Research

Research Philosophy

My field of expertise includes:

• British Foreign Policy and Security Strategy
• Polish Foreign Policy and Security Strategy
• Security and Strategic Studies
• Traditional and Non-traditional Security Issues
• European Politics and the European Union
• Theories of European Integration
• Geopolitics
• Teaching and Learning

I continue my research in these areas as shown by my recent publications. At the same time, I remain open to new challenges in the academic field and have delivered presentations regarding politics and religion in Europe, national identity, cyber security, security in South and South-East Asia environment and politics.

I have been recognized internationally for my work in the form of an invitation to contribute to the EUROPP European Politics and Policy blog maintained by the London School of Economics and Political Science. One of my papers, “Moving beyond EU weakness as a cyber security agent” has also been acclaimed internationally and consequently reprinted as part of “European Security: Critical Concepts” series by Routledge.

Refereed works

Śliwiński, K. (2024). “Artificial Inteligence and International Military Conflicts – the case of war in Ukraine”. World & New World Journal,  Nov. 25, 2024. Available at: https://worldnewworld.com/page/content.php?no=3970

Abstract

This project intends to ascertain the role of autonomous weapons in modern military conflicts. In doing so, it further adds to the recent debates, which take place among scholars, military leaders as well as policy makers around the world regarding the potential for AI to be the source of future instability and a great power rivalry.
It is suggested that there is an urgent need to regulate the development, proliferation and usage of autonomous weapons and weapon systems driven by AI before it is too late – namely, the AI achieves cognizant skills.

Śliwiński, K. (2024) “The Geopolitics of the War in Ukraine. (Is Geopolitics Still Relevant?)”. World & New World Journal, Sep.02, 2024. Available at: https://worldnewworld.com/page/content.php?no=3485

Abstract

This paper starts with an assumption that Geopolitics, understood as one of the great schools of International Relations, is not only still relevant but, indeed, should be one of the essential items in the toolkit of any student or policymaker who peruses the challenging and ever eluding realm of international security.

It draws chiefly on the Heartland theory of Halford Mackinder to explain the dynamics of contemporary European Security in general and the ongoing war in Ukraine in particular.

The analysis leads the author to a pair of conclusions: firstly, that the conflict in Ukraine is unlikely to end anytime soon and, perhaps more importantly, that the outcome of the war will only be one of many steps leading to the emergence of the new, possibly a multipolar, international system and consequently, and more obviously, a new security system in Europe, which will be strongly influenced by Germany rather than by the United States as before.

Stivas D. and Śliwiński K. (2024). “The securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe, Asia, and Oceania: Mixes of imbalanced securitizing narratives and measures.” International Relations, 3:16 (https://doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17723.2)

Abstract

Governments across the world resorted to different forms of narratives and measures to manage the COVID-19 pandemic. This study observed the responses of six administrations (China, Sweden, UK, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and New Zealand) through the lenses of the securitization theory as complemented with tailor-made methodological tools. Introducing the concept of the ‘securitization gap’ between the securitizing narratives’ intensity and the securitizing measures’ stringency this study argues that a consistency between the rhetoric’s intensity and measures’ severity did not impact the governments’ capacity to manage the COVID-19 outbreak. Further, this study finds a relation between the stringency of the securitizing measures and the management of COVID-19. Administrations that resorted to severe forms of securitization managed to spare more lives from the virus than administrations that did not enforce stringent securitizing tactics. Lastly, this study argues that the agreement of the general public with the securitizing narratives and the securitizing measures did not drastically influence the COVID-19 fatalities in the concerned case studies.

Śliwiński, K. (2023) “Is Geopolitics still relevant? Halford Mackinder and the war in Ukraine”. Studia Europejskie – Studies in European Affairs, 4-2023, pp. 7-25. DOI: 10.33067/SE.4.2023.1

Abstract

This paper starts with an assumption that Geopolitics, understood as one of the great schools of International Relations, is not only still relevant but, indeed, should be one of the essential items in the toolkit of any student or policymaker who peruses the challenging and ever eluding realm of international security.
It draws chiefly on the Heartland theory of Halford Mackinder to explain the dynamics of contemporary European Security in general and the ongoing war in Ukraine in particular.
The analysis, which relies heavily on historical examination of the geopolitical realities of Central and Eastern Europe, leads the author to a pair of conclusions: firstly, that the conflict in Ukraine is unlikely to end anytime soon and, perhaps more importantly, that the outcome of the war will only be one of many steps leading to the emergence of the new, possibly a multipolar, international system and consequently, and more obviously, a new security system in Europe, which will be strongly influenced by Germany rather than by the United States as before.

Śliwiński, K. (2023) Review of “The EU Towards the Global South During the Covid-19 Pandemic”, (Ed. Katarzyna Kołodziejczyk), Peter Lang, Berlin 2022., p. 159, Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies, 21 No. 2

Abstract

The European Union is one of the most important economic actors in international economics and traditionally the most significant humanitarian aid donor towards the countries of the so-called Global South (GS). Given its historical links (European colonialism), the EU maintains unique economic relations with many of the members of the GS under the umbrella of The Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS). Admittedly, the COVID–19 Pandemic wreaked havoc and perturbations
much worse than in many countries of the so-called Global North (GN) due to the GS’s economic, social and political characteristics/difficulties.
The authors look at important and interesting questions: Has the pandemic changed EU policy towards the countries of the Global South in terms of development cooperation and humanitarian aid? How effective were the actions undertaken by the EU in the fight against the pandemic in the countries of the Global South? How are the EU’s actions perceived by the countries of the Global South? Has the EU competed for influence in the countries of the Global South during the pandemic? Will the pandemic affect the evolution of the EU’s existing relations with the countries of the Global South?

Śliwiński, K. (2021). “Between national interests and European values: towards the theory of Principled Intergovernmentalism”, European Review (Przegląd Europejski), 2021(3), DOI: 10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.21.4

Abstract

The aim of the article is to theorise on the role of principles as important variables influencing European politics. Recent European-related events, including but not limited to the immigration crisis, international economic and political competition on a global scale (as well as relations with third parties such as Russia and the United States), prompt us to revise liberal intergovernmentalism as proposed by Andrew Moravcsik at the beginning of 90s last century. The study is based on the analysis of four cases: immigration crisis, posted workers directive, multiannual financial framework post-2020, and relations with Russia concerned energy security. The article puts forward an idea that principles, which European institutions and national governments refer to (such as the principle of solidarity or the principle of the rule of law) have been successfully instrumentalised by a range of actors (major governments, as well as European Commission acting on their behalf) to the greatest benefit of the most powerful governments in Europe.

Śliwiński, K. (2021). Nord Stream 2: Recent Geopolitics of Energy Security, global-e 14:16, June 25, 2021.

Abstract

Three preoccupations of states are intricately intertwined within the realm of international relations as pertaining to the relative positions, interactions, and capabilities of state actors (and, to an extent, non-state actors as well). Security, as most scholars would agree, is perhaps the most critical goal for states, and energy acquisition plays a particularly crucial role here because it enables the other two preoccupations: physical survival and economic development. Geographical location dictates resource availability and the costs (economic and political) of energy procurement. This essay examines some recent global tendencies in the geopolitics of energy security, particularly in relation to Russia-E.U. Nord Stream 2 project.

Śliwiński, K. (2021). The Military and Policy Implications of Space Race 2.0, global-e 14:2, February 18, 2021.

Abstract

For some time now, space has been crucial to human activity. Our societies are almost entirely dependent on space systems for all kinds of technologies, from GPS to the ATM, from phone calls to gas pipelines. As Massimo Pellegrino and Gerald Stang observe in their report published by the European Union Institute for Security Studies (Space Security for Europe, 2016), every cutting-edge technology being adopted these days in highly-developed economies involve space-based (and mostly unprotected) systems. In military terms, such dependence is even more emphatic. Precision weaponry, drone surveillance, and real-time field communications are indispensable in the 21st century. Consequently, with the growing number of countries and players interested in space capabilities, outer space is being exposed to additional strategic competition and even conflict, with threats ranging from anti-satellite weapons to “hybrid” operations and cyberattacks. China and Russia have already engaged and invested in this domain in order to challenge US dominance, while countries like India and Brazil are striving to access what they refer to as a ‘global common’—one whose rules, although subject to conflict, are evolving very rapidly (Pellegrino and Stang, 2016)

Śliwiński, K. (2020), A Critical Analysis of Europeanism as an Ideology. Its Preconditions and Tenets, Studies in European Affairs Quarterly 4/2020, 7–24, DOI:10.33067/SE.4.2020.1.

Abstract

This paper looks at European integration and specifically at its institution- al form – the European Union from an ideological perspective. The author claims that ‘Europeanism’ has become a new ideology shared among intel- lectual, political, judicatory, societal, and even dominant economic elites that influence or shape the European Union as an institution and its major policies. As an ideology, ‘Europeanism’ is a somewhat exotic mixture of various, seemingly incoherent trends that give the current European Un- ion its intriguing characteristics. On the one hand, economically, one can easily identify numerous elements of neoliberalism, especially regarding the financial aspects of European integration. Likewise, arguments used by the major proponents of European integration vis-à-vis USA, China, or Japan are of neoliberal character. At the same time, regarding inter- national trade in agricultural products, intellectual property, or internal (single market) competition (freedom of labour) one rather quickly spots distinct elements of protectionism and over-regulation. Finally, in terms of philosophical outlook and especially moral issues, ‘Europeanism’ seems to be mostly focusing on the progressive agenda.

Stivas, D. & Śliwiński, K. (2020). Securitizing Coronavirus: Global Risks, Responses, and Consequences, global-e, September 8, 2020.

Abstract

We argue that useful frameworks to analyze governments’ responses to the ongoing coronavirus crisis are the securitization sub-theories of a-securitization, hyper-securitization, and preemptive securitization. The first occurs when political actors declare critical social phenomena as security-irrelevant and consequently treat them as such. Hyper-securitization takes place when the emergency actions taken by governments are super-extraordinary and linger even after the containment of the declared threats. Finally, preemptive securitisation occurs when states proceed with enacting extraordinary measures even when the perceived threats appear to be distant and/or avoidable. In the context of the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak, most governments across the world moved along the a-securitization to hyper-securitization gamut. Interestingly, those states that account for fewer casualties as a result of the epidemic are those that embraced preemptive securitization.

Śliwiński, K. (2020). Crisis Politics and the Instrumentalization of Principles, global-e 13:48, July 24, 2020.

Abstract

Over the past ten years or so, various common EU principles have been invoked on numerous occasions to criticize, stigmatize, or legitimize the policies of national governments. By “instrumentalization” we mean to denote this phenomenon whereby common principles such as the ‘rule of law’ or ‘solidarity’ are invoked by a range of actors—national governments, major European institutions, NGOs, even the European Commission—to the greatest benefit of the most powerful governments, and thus to the advantage of the strongest economies, in the EU. In other words, European national governments pursue national interests in classic ‘compete-and-cooperate’ mode in intra-European affairs when compelling interests are seen to be at stake.

Holland, M., Sliwinski, K. & Thomas, N. (2020). “Is Affective Effective? Measuring Affective Learning in Simulations.” International Studies Perspectives, ekaa005

Abstract

Simulations have become a regular component of teaching toolkits. They provide teachers with a platform to take students’ knowledge and understanding of subject materials beyond the classroom. In doing so, simulations fulfill a critical pedagogical purpose in that they need to construct a learning space; one more efficacious in delivering learning opportunities than traditional modes of instruction. In order for simulations to be effective, students need to be able to place themselves in role. The more closely the students identify with their topic (the greater their affection for the subject), the closer the alignment between the exercise and the intended learning outcomes. This article considers how an affective learning environment can be created with simulations. The lens for this analysis is an international model European Union simulation that has been running in Hong Kong and New Zealand. Our argument is that the more affective the simulated environment, the more realistic it will be perceived to be by the participants. However, contrary to the prevailing literature, our findings suggest that affection does not necessarily have to be positively constructed in order for simulations to be effective pedagogical tools.

Sliwinski, K. (2020). The Securitization of Hong Kong Politics: Global Implications, global-e, 13:30, May 19, 2020.

Abstract

The recent wave of civil unrest in Hong Kong that commenced in June 2019 needs to be analyzed in light of a host of national security issues raised by the central government in Beijing. These concerns highlight ongoing tensions between the People’s Republic of China and the United States, while at the same time directing attention to continuities between recent unrest and another wave of protests only five years earlier.

Simulations have become a regular component of teaching toolkits. They provide teachers with a platform to take students’ knowledge and understanding of subject materials beyond the classroom. In doing so, simulations fulfil a critical pedagogical purpose in that they need to construct a learning space; one more efficacious in delivering learning opportunities than traditional modes of instruction. In order for simulations to be effective, students need to be able to place themselves in the role. The more closely the students identify with their topic (the greater their affection for the subject), the closer the alignment between the exercise and the intended learning outcomes.

This article considers how an affective learning environment can be created with simulations. The lens for this analysis is an international model European Union simulation that has been running in Hong Kong and New Zealand. Our argument is that the more affective the simulated environment, the more realistic it will be perceived to be by the participants. However, contrary to the prevailing literature, our findings suggest that affection does not necessarily have to be positively constructed in order for simulations to be effective pedagogical tools.

Sliwinski, K. (2020). Securitization of Hong Kong Politics: debate on electoral reform and civil disobedience of 2014, POLITIKA – Annual Journal Session 2018-2019, 6-19.

Abstract

Hong Kong society has long been known as an outstanding example of a law-abiding community, proud of its rule of law and generally displaying considerable lack of interest in politics. How is it possible then that first time in the history of HKSAR major streets were blocked for so long by so many ordinary citizens? How could this usually benign and politically apathetic society be galvanized to such an extent around abstract political ideas that do not exactly correspond with traditional Confucius values? How should we account for the reaction of the HKSAR government and the Central Government in Beijing?

This paper attempts to address the above questions by invoking the social constructivist paradigm of securitisation of politics. It is the hypothesis of the author that the major issues concerning public policymaking in Hong Kong, and especially its political reform and the opposition of large part of citizenry towards it known as ‘Occupy Central’, have been framed by central government in Beijing as a ‘national security issue’. It is also claimed that Hong Kong politics have effectively fallen a victim to ‘China Dream’ as a litmus test of President Xi Jinping’s effectiveness as a state leader.

Pouzitakis, S & Sliwinski, K. (2018). „A Study of Foreign Policy Analysis Framework in Germany’s Energy Policy of the Post-Cold War Era.” EURAMERICA 48: 4, 1-32.

Abstract

This paper re-examines the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) with regards to the security of energy relations between Germany and Russia, understood as specific foreign policy actions—that is, “products” of foreign policy decisions. It attempts to explain why Germany consistently sought better relations with Russia, partially with the aim of securing energy supplies. Drawing on Walter Carlsnaes’s identified lack of integrative and dynamic models that convincingly include both types of variables—structures and actors in a dynamic fashion—this study offers a link between the FPA and energy policy.
The paper focuses on the years from the 1990s through to the present, across various segments of the German government, and explores major values and objectives of German energy policy. German energy policy is intrinsic to German-Russian relations and places particular emphasis on the Nord Stream 1 pipeline. Our research indicates that the linear sequence, as proposed by Carlsnaes himself (structure—disposition—intention—action), can be conducive in bringing about favourable conditions for further actions following the same path.

Śliwiński, K. (2018). “European Politics and the Neoliberal Paradigm”. Australian & New Zealand Journal of European Studies, 1:10, 92-111.

Abstract

This paper looks at the European integration project in its current iteration drawing on Karl Polanyi’s assertion that markets are inseparable from the socio-cultural context. In this regard, all attempts to liberalise the economy (not excluding European integration, which is based on the principle of the single market) have practical and indeed tangible political ramifications. The main hypothesis of the paper lies in the recognition of the fact that the neoliberal agenda is one of the defining features of European integration. It is after all, the project of the single market, with its free movement of goods, services, capital, and labour that underpins European Union integrative practice.
Secondly, it is the presupposition of this paper, that there is a certain degree of congruence between the economic elites, operating within the neoliberal framework, and the centre-left political elites. The argument here is that the logic of neoliberalism has been fundamentally accepted across the mainstream of the political spectrum. This consequently means that even left-wing parties have had to reposition themselves both ideologically and practically, which brings the conclusion that the market has lost its role as the basic ideological differentiator between the traditional right and left. The axis of political debate has consequently shifted to moral issues such as the relationship between the state and the church, immigration, and gender.

Paper featured for 2018 ISA Conference: The Power of Rules and Rule of Power, Śliwiński, K. (2014). “Moving beyond the European Union’s Weakness as a Cyber-Security Agent”. Contemporary Security Policy, 35:3, 468-486

DOI: 10.1080/13523260.2014.959261 featured in a virtual issue: see more: http://contemporarysecuritypolicy.org/

Śliwiński, K. & Pourzitakis S. (2017). “European Energy Security through Foreign Policy Analysis: Nord Stream 1 and its Consequences.” Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies, 2:85, 41-65.

Abstract

This paper reexamines the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) with regard to recent developments concerning Nord Stream 1 (NS1) and Nord Stream 2 (NS2). Both of these projects are understood as specific foreign policy actions – “products” of foreign policy decisions. 

Drawing on Walter Carlsnaes’s identified lack of integrative and dynamic models that would convincingly include both types of variables – structures and actors in a dynamic fashion – this study proposes a “reinforced model” of foreign policy analysis. 

Our model accounts convincingly for the correlation between NS1 and NS2, understood as foreign policy actions. Our research indicates that the linear sequence, as proposed by Carlsnaes himself (structure – disposition – intention – action), can and indeed should be re-conceptualized in a “circular” manner. This being the case, it is claimed that the outcome of the original action (NS1) has reinforced the structural dimension that has led to reinforced dispositional dimension, which in turn has led to reinforced intentional dimension that ultimately underpins NS2.

Krzysztof Feliks Silwinski, (2016) ‘Moving Beyond the European Union’s Weakness as a Cyber-security Agent’, Contemporary Security Policy, 2014, 35, 3, In Smith, M. A. (ed.) European Security. Critical Concepts in Military, Strategic and Security Studies, (468–86). Routledge.

Śliwiński, K. F. (2016). ‘A-securitization’ of immigration policy – the case of European Union, Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies, 14:1, 25-56.

Abstract 

This paper draws on the ‘securitization’ thesis with regard to immigration policy of the European Union and its members. Contrary to existing literature, it is claimed that the current immigration crisis that the European Union faces is driven by an opposite dynamic, which produces ‘a-securitization’ – a phenomenon defined, in this paper, as a condition where important social phenomena are declared security irrelevant and consequently treated as such (both explicitly or implicitly). The analysis of the ongoing debate leads the author to identify major actors (drivers) on the pro-immigration side, their institutional forms and principles to which they adhere. These actors include: national political elites, the EU and its institutions, multinational companies and mass media. The thesis of ‘a-securitization’ is proposed as a theoretical explanation that allows us to account for a number of seemingly illogical phenomena taking place at the EU level and at national levels regarding both national and human security of European societies as well as a majority of immigrants.

Śliwiński, K. F. (2014), Moving beyond the European Union’s Weakness as a Cyber-Security Agent, Contemporary Security Policy Volume 35, 2014 – Issue 3, pp. 468-486.

Abstract

Policy and research on European cyber-security remains formative compared to leaders in the field like China and the United States. This article evaluates the European Union (EU) as a cyber-security actor, asking fundamental questions concerning the EU’s combination of prominence and obscurity, especially its limitations and prospects. Who and what is going to dominate the European response to cyber-security in the future? These questions are examined within the larger framework of liberal intergovernmentalism. The EU also is compared to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a point of reference to further understand the limitations and challenges ahead for the EU. Two major factors limit the EU as a cyber-security actor: its intergovernmental character, and the lack of collective vision on cyber-security with the EU and between member states. To play an important role in shaping cyberspace and cyber-security, the EU cannot treat the internet as simply a communication tool or trading platform. Cooperation and capacity-building measures are needed to allow EU member states to surpass mere coordination of their respective national cyber-security strategies. To succeed as a cyber-power, the EU should adapt new and different forms of cyber-power, from the compulsory through the institutional, to the structural and productive. Otherwise, coordination of national strategies for cyber-security of EU member states is the most the EU as an actor can aim for.

Śliwiński, K. (2015). Securitization of Hong Kong Politics: the debate on electoral reform and civil disobedience of 2014. Społeczeństwo i Polityka. 4:45, 15-36. (English).

Śliwiński, K. and Rakowska, A. (2015). Security Threats and Risk Management: European and Chinese responses to climate disruption. Przegląd Europejski. 4:38, 142-163. (English).

Abstract

Most academics and policy makers agree upon irreversible phenomena affecting planet Earth’s climate – we have finally faced a climate disruption. As triggered by humans, environmental degradation ultimately threatens not only the security but even the survival of individuals, communities, states and perhaps even the international system as a whole.

This paper addresses differences with regards to risk assessment of climate disruption in Europe and in China. Its departure point is that the divergence between European and Chinese approaches is based on structural and institutional distinctions. Specifically, it tries to assess those distinctions (importance of sovereignty and non-interference) with regards to methods (assessment of vulnerability) and principles (transparency and inclusiveness) of risk assessment.

Initial analysis leads to a tentative conclusion, which confirms the importance of political culture in national responses to security threats (be it traditional or non-traditional). In this respect EU-China strategic partnership is suggested as one of the possibly effective platforms for future cooperation.

Śliwiński, K. (2014). The Fifth Domain – national security in private hands? Civilianization of security in United Kingdom. Społeczeństwo i Polityka 3:40, 135-156. (English).

Śliwiński, K. (2014). Accounting for Pre-conditions for a Harmonious Community of States: Democratization and the Security Complex in East and Southeast Asia. Journal of Asian Public Policy, 7:3, 214-230, DOI: 10.1080/17516234.2014.922149

Abstract

This article addresses the relationship between the character of political regimes and security in East and Southeast Asia. In doing so, it draws on the insights of both regional security complex and liberal peace theories. The analysis of democratization processes is therefore juxtaposed with the general underdevelopment of democracy in the region. It is ascertained that the security paradox that features prominently in East and Southeast Asian international relations can be transcended. Democratization and modernization alone, however, do not suffice, in which case another normative basis is needed. The main conclusion takes the author to accept the importance of culture in political community building. In that respect, a common denominator is sought in building a genuine Asian identity based on human values, to which major political philosophies and religions in the region subscribe. Consequently, the convergence among social norms, political norms and peace is theorized.

Śliwiński, K. (2014). European Union – cyber power in the making. The Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies, 12:1, pp. 1-22.

Abstract

This article investigates the challenges and limitations of an emerging European cyber security posture. The departure point for the analysis is embedded within the framework that rests on identifying four distinct forms of cyber power: compulsory, institutional, structural and productive.

Tentative conclusions suggest that to be effective, the EU’s strategic approach must strike the right balance between all four forms. Additionally, a major challenge for the designers of EU cyber security posture will be accommodating the technology, which due to its characteristics challenges the established balance of power between and within states. Finally, international cooperation regarding two basic categories of cyber threats, whereby states are much more likely to succeed in tackling cyber crime than cyber espionage, must also be addressed.

Śliwiński, K. (2012). Polish National Security Dilemmas. Missile defense complex and its role in Foreign Policy. Democracy and Security, 8:2, 191-212.

Abstract

This article examines fundamental dilemmas concerning contemporary Polish Security Policy. Firstly, it addresses the question of US missile defense complex and its place in Polish politics. Secondly, it employs Foreign Policy Analysis tools with special attention to the agency-structure nexus. Specifically, it analyses three distinct dimensions: intentional, dispositional and structural. The author claims that Polish attitudes towards US missile defense are a result of Polish-US and Polish-Russian relations. Although evidence suggests that public attitudes towards US missile defense complex in Poland are affected by the threat of international terrorism, the issue should be seen within a broader geopolitical perspective.

Śliwiński, K. (2012). Counter-terrorism – a comprehensive approach. Social mobilization and ‘civilianization’ of security: the Case of the United Kingdom. European Security 2012, 22:3, pp. 288-306.

Abstract

The global war on terror and 9/11 have brought to our attention the perpetual problem of freedom versus security. The more governments strive to provide security, the more they tend to curb the freedoms of their citizens. ‘Stop and search’ procedures, 28-day detentions of terrorist suspects without charge or new body scanners at the airports are just the ‘tip of the iceberg’ in a long list of the state’s encroachments into our private lives. This paper departs from such a seemingly inescapable predicament. It analyses the rote of the public in preventing, protecting and preparing for terrorist attacks under the British government’s counter-terrorism strategy known as CONTEST. It explores two social phenomena that are being increasingly promoted by official authorities in the United Kingdo, namely, mobilisation of society and what the author terms ‘civilianisation of security. The latter is defined as a notion relating to non-military, voluntary organisations and the business/private sector. engaged by government but acting in its own right against terrorism threats. ‘Civilianisation’ of security is also conceived of as a potential tool to bridge the gap between two incompatible worlds of state security and personal freedoms.

Śliwiński, K. (2010). British Nuclear Strategy at the Threshold of 21st Century. European Security, 18: 1, pp.81-97.

Abstract

This paper emphasizes the pertinence of the British government’s claim that nuclear deterrent threats are still relevant in the four broad areas to which it addresses: deterrence against aggression towards British/NATO vital interests or nuclear coercion/ blackmail by major powers with large nuclear arsenals; deterrence against nuclear coercion or blackmail with other WMD by regional ‘‘rogue’’ states; deterrence against state-sponsored acts of nuclear terrorism; and as a general residual deterrent function to preserve peace and stability in an uncertain world.

British nuclear weapons are still important and very much relevant in all the four areas discussed. First of all, they play a role of a significant tool of political leverage as they continue to serve as an authentication of British military capabilities. In that regard, they still function much the same way they did during the ‘Cold War’. WMDs were, after all, a guarantee of their non-use, which does not mean that they were not useful. Secondly, it also authenticates the UK among its allies. Even though generally democracies do not wage wars with one another, they still have to face the challenges posed by non-democracies. In doing so, they need to support each other with the use of ‘ultima ratio’ arguments in order to safeguard international peace and stability. The British nuclear deterrent should, therefore, be perceived as a general deterrent with a positive influence on international community and international security, overall.

Śliwiński, K. (2009). European Supranationalism. The battle of spirit of Jean Monnet and vision of General de Gaulle. POLITIKA Annual Journal, 34, 31-34.

Abstract

August 3 this year marked the 60th anniversary of the statute of the Council of Europe entering into force. During the first session, held on 8 th -10th of September 1949, of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe, federalist members of parliament requested the institution of a European political authority. As a result, a mere year later, in a speech inspired by Jean Monnet, the French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman proposed integrating the coal and steel industries of Western Europe. ‘Europe Day’ celebrated later annually came to symbolize European integration processes that brought peace and prosperity to, initially western part of the European continent after ages of devastating conflicts. The Shuman Declaration decisively envisaged that ‘the contribution which an organized and living Europe can bring to civilization is indispensable to the maintenance of peaceful relations’.1The reason behind initial integration was to make ‘war not only unthinkable but materially impossible’. From today’s perspective, initial goals of European integration seem obvious and not so much thought is usually given to the great founder of European federalism Jean Monnet and his seminal plans.

Śliwiński, K. (2007). British National Security Strategy (1945-2005). Studia Międzynarodowe, 1-4:3, 71-92.

Abstract

This paper emphasizes the pertinence of the British government’s claim that nuclear deterrent threats are still relevant in the four broad areas to which it addresses: deterrence against aggression towards British/NATO vital interests or nuclear coercion/ blackmail by major powers with large nuclear arsenals; deterrence against nuclear coercion or blackmail with other WMD by regional ‘‘rogue’’ states; deterrence against state-sponsored acts of nuclear terrorism; and as a general residual deterrent function to preserve peace and stability in an uncertain world.

British nuclear weapons are still important and very much relevant in all the four areas discussed. First of all, they play a role of a significant tool of political leverage as they continue to serve as an authentication of British military capabilities. In that regard, they still function much the same way they did during the ‘Cold War’. WMDs were, after all, a guarantee of their non-use, which does not mean that they were not useful. Secondly, it also authenticates the UK among its allies. Even though generally democracies do not wage wars with one another, they still have to face the challenges posed by non-democracies. In doing so, they need to support each other with the use of ‘ultima ratio’ arguments in order to safeguard international peace and stability. The British nuclear deterrent should, therefore, be perceived as a general deterrent with a positive influence on international community and international security, overall.

Śliwiński, K. (2005). Evolution of British Strategy of Deterrent. Stosunki Międzynarodowe, 3-4:32, 143–162.

Śliwiński, K. (2005) Review of: John Dickie, The New Mandarins: How British Foreign Policy Works, I. B. Tauris, London 2004, p. 254, Stosunki Międzynarodowe, 1-2:31, 213-215.

Śliwiński, K., & Pronińska, K. (2004). Report from Scientific Conference: „Institutionalisation of International Multilateral Co-operation in Europe in the Context of New Challenges”, Stosunki Międzynarodowe, 1-2:29, 185-190.

Śliwiński, K. (2003). Report from Scientific Conference of the Institute of International Relations: „Globalisation in International Relations”, Stosunki Międzynarodowe, 1-2: 27, 201-214.

Śliwiński, K. (2002). Evolution of Security Strategy in International Relations, Świat i Polityka, 3-4, 53-72.

Published Book Chapters

• Bieleń, St. and Śliwiński, K. (2017). Comparing Polish-German and Polish-Russian reconciliation efforts. In. A. Frieberg and C. K. Martin Chung (eds.) Reconciling with the Past: Resources and Obstacles in a Global Perspective(148-160). Routledge.

• Śliwiński, K. (2014). Poland: A Nation of the In-Between. In R. Vogt, W. Cristaudo, A. Leutzsch (eds.) European National Identities. Elements. Transitions. Conflicts, (155 – 171). New Brunswick: Transaction.

• Śliwiński, K. (2006). Economical Aspects of British Security Strategy. In Haliżak, E. (Ed.). International Relations in the 21^st Century, (pp. 112 – 131). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar.

• Śliwiński, K., & Wróbel, (2004). A. Uniform Services Market of UE – Consequences for Poland. In Haliżak, E. (Ed.). Foreign and Internal Policy in the Process of European Integration, (pp. 272 – 293). Bydgoszcz-Warsaw: Oficyna Wydawnicza Branta.

Non-refereed works

• Sliwinski, K. (2019). “Brexit – between intergovernmentalism and ‘Europeanism’.” Public Jurist special issue, 12-18.

• Śliwiński, K. (July 9, 2016). “Brexit and European Security”. Hong Kong Economic Journal. 

• Śliwiński, K. (January 19, 2016). “The European Commission’s rule of law review in Poland risks fuelling Euroscepticism. EUROPP – European Politics and Policy. The London School of Economics and Political Science.

• Śliwiński, K. “Poland’s bugging scandal highlights the need for a more pragmatic Polish foreign policy over Ukraine and Russia”. EUROPP – European Politics and Policy. The London School of Economics and Political Science at: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/06/30/polands-bugging-scandal-highlights-the-need-for-a-more-pragmatic-polish-foreign-policy-over-ukraine-and-russia/ (June 30, 2014).

• Śliwiński, K, “Donald Tusk’s Presidency of the European Council will present as many challenges for Poland as opportunities“. EUROPP – European Politics and Policy, the London School of Economics and Political Science. (October 17, 2014).

• Śliwiński, K. (March 7, 2015). “Ukrainian Crisis – clashing interests, visions and values”, Hong Kong Economic Journal. (English version) (Chinese version).

Unpublished work

Śliwiński, K, (2012). “The relationship of Politics and Religion in the European Union“. A paper presented during a conference: “Europe, Migration and Islam”, 18-19 April 2012 (Co-organized by Department of Government and International Studies).