{"id":226,"date":"2020-12-14T23:31:10","date_gmt":"2020-12-14T23:31:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/?page_id=226"},"modified":"2026-04-15T04:56:46","modified_gmt":"2026-04-15T04:56:46","slug":"publications","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/publications\/","title":{"rendered":"Research"},"content":{"rendered":"<div id=\"fb-root\"><\/div>\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Research Philosophy<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\"><strong>My field of expertise includes: <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>British Foreign Policy and Security Strategy<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Polish Foreign Policy and Security Strategy<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Security and Strategic Studies<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Traditional and Non-traditional Security Issues<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>European Politics and the European Union<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Theories of European Integration<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Geopolitics<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Artificial Intelligence and International Relations<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Teaching and Learning<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>I continue to research in these areas, as evidenced by my recent publications. At the same time, I remain open to new challenges in the academic field and have delivered presentations on topics such as politics and religion in Europe, national identity, cybersecurity, security in the South and South-East Asian environments, and politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">I have been recognised internationally for my work, having been invited to contribute to the EUROPP European Politics and Policy blog maintained by the London School of Economics and Political Science. One of my papers, \u201cMoving Beyond EU Weakness as a Cybersecurity Agent,\u201d has also been internationally acclaimed and subsequently reprinted as part of the \u201cEuropean Security: Critical Concepts\u201d series by Routledge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Social Media<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Substack: <a href=\"https:\/\/krzysztofliwiski821016.substack.com\/publish\/posts\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">https:\/\/krzysztofliwiski821016.substack.com\/publish\/posts<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>LinkedIn: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/in\/krzysztof-%C5%9Bliwi%C5%84ski-60b61487\/\">https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/in\/krzysztof-%C5%9Bliwi%C5%84ski-60b61487\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Google Scholar: <a href=\"https:\/\/scholar.google.com.hk\/citations?user=bNNpGasAAAAJ&amp;hl=en&amp;inst=10806615469772578445\">https:\/\/scholar.google.com.hk\/citations?user=bNNpGasAAAAJ&amp;hl=en&amp;inst=10806615469772578445<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Research Gate: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.researchgate.net\/profile\/Krzysztof-Sliwinski?ev=hdr_xprf\">https:\/\/www.researchgate.net\/profile\/Krzysztof-Sliwinski?ev=hdr_xprf<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Peer-reviewed works<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2026, April 14). \u201cThe problematic effectiveness of the EU sanctions against Russia\u201d. World and New World Journal. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This study examines the effectiveness of European Union sanctions imposed on Russia in response to its aggression against Ukraine. It explores the strategic rationale for sanctions as instruments of coercive diplomacy to impose economic pressure without military intervention.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The EU sanctions target Russia\u2019s economic base, energy exports, military-industrial complex, and political elite to curtail its war capabilities and compel compliance with international law. While official EU assessments highlight significant economic and strategic impacts, including reduced energy revenues and restricted access to technology and finance, Russian adaptations through import substitution and trade redirection have mitigated these effects.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The analysis underscores the complex, conditional nature of sanctions\u2019 success, noting that despite some measurable results, the primary objective of ending Russian military operations remains unfulfilled. The study concludes that sanctions\u2019 overall effectiveness is mixed and contingent on evolving geopolitical dynamics and enforcement measures.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/eu-sanctions-russia-effectiveness\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><br><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2026, April 3). \u201cThe War On Iran And The Clausewitzian Perspective\u201d. EurasiaReview.\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper analyzes the 2026 US-Israel military operations against Iran \u2014 Operation Epic Fury and Operation Roaring Lion \u2014 through a Clausewitzian lens. The attacks targeted Iranian leadership, nuclear facilities, missile sites, and military infrastructure following failed diplomacy and escalating tensions. Official rationales frame the conflict as defensive, aiming to prevent nuclear proliferation and protect regional stability. However, the analysis reveals religious motivations, particularly among conservative Christian Zionist groups and Israeli leaders, who view the war in apocalyptic and messianic terms, complicating prospects for diplomatic resolution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Clausewitz\u2019s principles\u2014war as a continuation of politics by other means, the trinity of passion, chance, and reason, and the concept of friction\u2014are applied to assess the conflict\u2019s evolving objectives and challenges. The paper warns that the war\u2019s increasingly unattainable goals and religious framing risk escalation, including potential nuclear use, which would breach strategic rationality and threaten catastrophic consequences. The study underscores the need to recognise the multidimensional nature of modern conflicts involving political, military, and religious dynamics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.eurasiareview.com\/03042026-the-war-on-iran-and-the-clausewitzian-perspective-analysis\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2026, March 12). \u201cSecuritisation and Militarisation of European Politics\u201d. EurasiaReview.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This paper analyses the securitisation and militarisation of European politics in response to Russia\u2019s war in Ukraine, highlighting a significant shift from post-Cold War complacency to proactive deterrence. Drawing on the Copenhagen School\u2019s securitisation theory, it demonstrates how EU leaders have framed the conflict as an existential threat to European democracy and security, legitimising extraordinary measures such as increased defence spending and joint military aid.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The adoption of initiatives like the Security Action for Europe (SAFE) illustrates the militarisation process, emphasising strategic autonomy, defence integration, and a move toward federalisation through centralised defence competence and joint procurement.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The paper also explores how European societies are being prepared for prolonged conflict via public campaigns and institutional reforms. Overall, the analysis argues that securitisation and militarisation are mutually reinforcing dynamics that drive EU federalisation, as the bloc seeks to unify its political and military responses amid evolving geopolitical challenges and potential future conflicts beyond Ukraine.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.eurasiareview.com\/12032026-securitization-and-militarization-of-european-politics-analysis\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published paper<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2026, March 24). \u201cRussia in Eurasian Geopolitics: between Alexandr Dugin and Sergey Karaganov.\u201d World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This paper examines Russia\u2019s geopolitical identity and strategic orientations in Eurasian geopolitics, focusing on the contrasting perspectives of Aleksandr Dugin and Sergey Karaganov. It begins by contextualising Russia\u2019s dual European and Asian identity, highlighting its demographic, cultural, and historical ties to Europe alongside its vast Asian territory and Eurasian heritage.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The analysis then explores Dugin\u2019s radical neo-Eurasianism, advocating for Russia as a Eurasian empire destined to lead a multipolar world opposing Western liberalism, emphasising a confrontational approach toward Europe and NATO. In contrast, Karaganov adopts a pragmatic realist stance, promoting Russia\u2019s civilizational sovereignty and a strategic pivot eastward toward Asia, advocating de \u2013 Westernisation and multipolarity while prioritising nuclear deterrence.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The paper situates these intellectual currents within contemporary geopolitical developments, including Western security concerns about Russian aggression in Europe, and underscores their influence on Kremlin policymaking. Ultimately, the study highlights the divergent pathways Russia may pursue between continued European engagement and Asian reorientation.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/russia-eurasian-geopolitics-dugin-karaganov\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2026, March 9). \u201cInternational North-South Transport Corridor: Geopolitical Implications and the Future of European Trade.\u201d World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The International North\u2013South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is a 7,200-kilometre multi-modal network connecting India, Iran, Azerbaijan, Russia, Central Asia, and Europe, offering a shorter and cost-effective alternative to the Suez Canal. Established in 2000 and expanding with key infrastructure projects like the Rasht-Astara railway, the corridor aims to boost trade volumes significantly by 2030, facilitating faster, cheaper freight movement and enhancing Eurasian integration. Russia and Iran\u2019s collaboration is central, enabling a sanctions-resilient trade route that counters Western dominance and supports economic growth in transit countries.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The INSTC also offers environmental benefits, with lower greenhouse gas emissions compared to deep-sea shipping. Strategically, it diversifies Russia\u2019s transport links, reduces dependency on vulnerable Western routes, and strengthens geopolitical ties within the BRICS framework. However, challenges such as infrastructure gaps, sanctions, and regional conflicts persist. For the EU, INSTC presents both opportunities for cheaper trade and risks to its geopolitical influence, necessitating strategic responses to maintain Eurasian connectivity and sanctions effectiveness.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/instc-trade-corridor-eurasian-routes\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Zubrzycka-Czarnecka, A., Neddenriep, G., &amp; Sliwinski, K. (2026). Emotional Framing of Emotional Deviants as a Political Strategy for Strengthening Collective Emotional Resilience. <em>Qualitative Sociology Review <\/em>22(1), 24-52.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article examines how leaders in the United States and the United Kingdom used rhetoric to frame emotional deviants and strengthen collective emotional resilience during two crises in 2024. Drawing on emotion management theory and critical discourse analysis (CDA), we analyze House Speaker Mike Johnson&#8217;s response to the Columbia University protests and Prime Minister Keir Starmer&#8217;s address during the Southport riots. Both leaders framed dissenters as emotional deviants, deployed emotional dichotomies, and constructed &#8220;others&#8221; to consolidate solidarity. We demonstrate that emotional framing functions as a political strategy used to foster cohesion within the dominant group, suppress dissent, and narrow the boundaries of legitimate political expression. Our comparative design reveals cross-case convergence in the use of discursive mechanisms (feeling rules, othering, and surface\/deep acting) despite divergent institutional roles and rhetorical situations. This convergence underscores the structural nature of emotional framing and reveals that it is part of the governance toolkit that leaders use in mass-mediated democracies. We contribute to political sociology by showing that collective emotional resilience is not only discursively constructed to facilitate cohesion but is also employed as an exclusionary practice that marginalises dissent and reinforces existing power hierarchies. In doing so, we highlight the ethical dilemmas of emotional governance, including the risks of inequality, alienation, and the foreclosure of authentic political expression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.qualitativesociologyreview.org\/ENG\/Volume76\/QSR_22_1_Zubrzycka-Czarnecka_Neddenriep_Sliwinski.pdf\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2026, February 23). &#8220;Will NATO Even Survive?&#8221; World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This paper analyses the current challenges facing NATO and questions its future viability amid shifting geopolitical dynamics. It highlights the evolving U.S. stance, marked by a 2025 National Security Strategy that prioritises self-reliance for European allies and a reduced American military role in Europe, reflecting a broader \u201cAmerica First\u201d approach.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Russia\u2019s persistent opposition to NATO\u2019s eastward expansion, particularly regarding Ukraine, fuels ongoing conflict and threatens regional stability. Germany\u2019s emerging leadership role in European security is explored, showcasing its increased defence commitments and strategic cultural shift from restraint to readiness.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Turkey\u2019s crucial geopolitical position and military capabilities underscore its significance within NATO despite recent tensions. The paper also discusses the Greenland dispute as a symbol of intra-Alliance tensions and as a challenge to collective defence principles under Article 5.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Ultimately, the Ukraine war serves as a critical test for NATO, raising doubts about the Alliance\u2019s coherence and effectiveness amid internal divisions and external threats.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/nato-survive-shifting-world-order-analysis\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><br><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2026, January 26). \u201cThe end of Great Illusions and the Revenge of Realism. The Case of the War in Ukraine \u2013 Part 2\u201d. World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This is the second part of the analysis regarding the realist interpretation of the ongoing war in Ukraine. (The first part is available <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/ukraine-war-end-illusions-realism\/\"><em>here<\/em><\/a><em>). This paper examines the ongoing war in Ukraine through the lens of realism, challenging optimistic Western narratives and highlighting Russia&#8217;s strategic gains despite extensive sanctions. Since 2022, the EU has imposed 19 sanctions packages targeting Russia&#8217;s economy, yet Russia has adapted and continued military offensives across multiple fronts, making significant territorial advances, particularly in Donetsk Oblast. The strategic importance of Odessa, Ukraine&#8217;s largest deep-water port, is underscored due to its economic, military, and geopolitical value, with Russian experts openly discussing its potential capture.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The conflict has also driven modernisation in Russia&#8217;s military-industrial complex, introducing advanced missile systems and hypersonic weapons that challenge NATO defences.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Post-war territorial changes remain uncertain, with diplomatic options constrained by Ukraine&#8217;s constitution and international law. European public opinion is divided on war readiness, reflecting broader societal hesitations.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/the-end-great-illusions-ukraine-war-2\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><br><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2026). The European Union as a Geopolitical Actor: Towards a Pragmatic-Normative Agenda.&nbsp;<em>Global Geopolitics<\/em>, 1(1), 113-145. DOI:&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.64901\/29778271.2026.003\">10.64901\/29778271.2026.003<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This study employs a qualitative analytical methodology grounded in a comprehensive review of policy documents, strategic statements by European political leaders, and relevant literature to examine the European Union (EU) as a multifaceted geopolitical actor. It applies a geopolitics-as-method-of-analysis framework, drawing particularly on Jakub J. Grygiel\u2019s conceptualization of geopolitics as the environment within which states operate, and Nuno Morgado\u2019s neoclassical geopolitics model, which highlights how systemic stimuli are filtered through the perceptions and capacities of decision-making elites. This dual theoretical lens is used to explore the EU\u2019s strategic priorities, value-driven identity, and diverse foreign policy instruments. As such, the study innovatively integrates theoretical perspectives on EU power identity, tracing its evolution from the framework of \u201cCivilian Power Europe\u201d to the notions of \u201cnormative power\u201d, \u201cethical power\u201d, and \u201cmilitarization\u201d, thus o\ufb00ering a nuanced understanding of the EU\u2019s hybrid civilian-military role. Through a systematic mapping of the EU\u2019s geopolitical focus on key regions Europe (notably Ukraine), the Middle East, the Mediterranean, the Western Balkans, and global partners\u2014alongside an examination of its normative values and policy toolkit, the study advances EU studies by bridging theoretical discourse with practical developments. Its critical engagement with tensions between ideals and pragmatism, as well as coordination challenges among member states, provides fresh insights into the EU\u2019s capacity and constraints as a global actor. This work contributes to the evolving scholarship by proposing a \u201cpragmatic-normative\u201d approach that accommodates the EU\u2019s unique post-Westphalian, hybrid nature in international relations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.globalgeopoliticsjournal.com\/the-european-union-as-a-geopolitical-actor-towards-a-pragmatic-normative-agenda\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski K.,&nbsp;<em>From Securitization to Securitism. Analyzing the Evolution of the Securitization Theorem. Part I<\/em>, \u201cPolish Journal of Political Science\u201d, 2025, Vol. 11, Issue 3 (Thematic Issue), pp. 4\u201316, DOI:&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/centrum.tdb.uw.edu.pl\/from-securitization-to-securitism-analyzing-the-evolution-of-the-securitization-theorem-part-i\/\">10.58183\/pjps.0103TI2025<\/a>.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper, which is divided into three parts, analyses the evolution of securitization theory and introduces the concept of \u201csecuritism,\u201d a permanent state of managed insecurity prevalent in Western societies. Building on the Copenhagen School\u2019s framework and the (in)security concept by Didier Bigo and Anastasia Tsoukala, securitism reflects an illiberal ideology that enables political and economic elites to limit fundamental human rights progressively. This article is the first part of a series devoted to the issue of securitism, which will be published in three consecutive volumes. The first part (which follows below) introduces the reader to the first driver of Securitism \u2013 the privatization of security. The following two parts will address the remaining drivers from expertization, through public-private partnership to technocratism. These trends collectively reshape governance, often undermining democratic accountability and individual freedoms. The involvement of powerful transnational corporations and the deployment of advanced AI technologies intensify surveillance and control, further constraining civil liberties. The conclusion of this series will emphasize the critical need for renewed democratic oversight and robust regulatory frameworks to mitigate securitism\u2019s pervasive threats to human rights and democratic governance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/centrum.tdb.uw.edu.pl\/from-securitization-to-securitism-analyzing-the-evolution-of-the-securitization-theorem-part-i\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2025, December 29). &#8220;The end of Great Illusions and the Revenge of Realism. The Case of the War in Ukraine \u2013 Part 1&#8221;. World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This is the first part of an analysis examining the initial perceptions and evolving realities of the Russia-Ukraine war, which began in February 2022. Early Western media and political narratives were optimistic about Ukraine\u2019s military resilience and potential victory, highlighting heroic resistance, Western support, and Russian operational failures. However, the reality has been more complex, as Ukraine faced significant challenges, including numerical and equipment inferiority, underfunding, limited combat brigades, and a lack of strategic reserves. Despite these hardships, Ukraine managed to resist Russia\u2019s initial advances, as exemplified by symbolic events such as the defence of Snake Island.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The article explores the human and economic costs of the ongoing war. Ukraine requires an estimated $524 billion in reconstruction funding, following a 30% drop in GDP in 2022 and ongoing economic hardships. Western aid has been substantial, exceeding \u20ac400 billion, but the conflict\u2019s economic fallout also burdens donor countries, causing inflation and growth slowdowns.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/ukraine-war-end-illusions-realism\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2025, December 15). \u201cWhat Can Hong Kong Gain From Saudi Arabia? Hong Kong as the Kongdom\u2019s Gateway to Asia.\u201d Future Arabia.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Relations between Hong Kong and Saudi Arabia are steadily strengthening, driven by mutual economic development, financial innovation, and strategic partnerships. As Hong Kong positions itself as a global financial hub, and Saudi Arabia pursues its Vision 2030 program to diversify its economy, the two regions have found common ground.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A milestone in the relationship was the launch of Asia&#8217;s first sukuk (exchange-traded fund) (ETF). Furthermore, there are plans to approve additional products, such as Shariah-compliant bonds and a real estate investment fund, which will undoubtedly facilitate investment flows between the two markets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/futurearabia.net\/en\/co-hongkong-moze-zyskac-w-arabii-saudyjskiej\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2025, December 15). \u201cThe Increasing Tensions in the Caribbean. The US and Venezuela amid a Regional Security Complex.\u201d<\/strong>  <strong>World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This paper analyses the escalating tensions between the United States and Venezuela as of 2025, focusing on the Caribbean regional security complex. Under President Donald Trump, U.S. \u2013 Venezuela relations have sharply deteriorated, marked by increased military deployments, including the USS Gerald R. Ford carrier strike group, and over 4,000 troops near Venezuela. Operation Southern Spear targets alleged narco-terrorist groups linked to Venezuela, with numerous airstrikes on suspected drug-smuggling vessels resulting in significant casualties.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Despite official claims of counternarcotics objectives, critics question the legality and evidence supporting these actions. Venezuela, backed by Russian arms and military support, has mobilised substantial forces and prepared for guerrilla resistance. The potential for full-scale conflict remains elevated but uncertain, complicated by domestic U.S. opposition, legal constraints, and regional diplomatic backlash.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Additionally, Venezuela\u2019s rare earth mineral deposits add a strategic dimension to the conflict amid global supply chain concerns. The study highlights the multifaceted geopolitical, military, and economic factors shaping this volatile confrontation.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/us-venezuela-caribbean-crisis\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2025, November 10). &#8220;U.S. &#8211; EU Nuclear Sharing. Benefits and Challenges&#8221;.<\/strong> <strong>World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This paper examines the NATO nuclear sharing arrangement, focusing on its benefits and challenges within the U.S.-EU security framework. Nuclear sharing involves the U.S. deploying B61 nuclear bombs in select European NATO countries, with host nations providing delivery systems and infrastructure while the U.S. retains full control, ensuring compliance with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The arrangement strengthens NATO\u2019s deterrence posture, promotes alliance cohesion, and supports non-proliferation by dissuading the development of independent nuclear arsenals.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Recent geopolitical tensions, especially Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine, have intensified calls for expanding sharing to countries like Poland, enhancing deterrence on NATO\u2019s eastern flank. Exercises such as Steadfast Noon validate operational readiness and signal resolve.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Critics, however, highlight legal and escalation risks, potential NPT violations, and domestic opposition in host countries. Despite these issues, nuclear sharing remains a crucial component of Euro-Atlantic security, adapting to evolving threats while balancing deterrence, alliance unity, and non-proliferation goals.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/us-eu-nuclear-sharing-benefits-challenges\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published paper<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2025, October 21). &#8220;The tongue of the Balance and the Tip of the Spear. The role of Poland in European Geopolitics&#8221;.<\/strong> <strong>World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper examines Poland\u2019s pivotal role in European geopolitics amid escalating tensions following Russia\u2019s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Highlighting the September 2025 Russian drone incursion into Polish airspace\u2014marking NATO\u2019s first engagement with Russian assets within allied territory\u2014it analyses Poland\u2019s military, diplomatic, and strategic responses, including border closures with Belarus and the NATO-led Iron Defender-25 exercise.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The study contextualises Poland\u2019s historical significance from its 1918 independence through Cold War dynamics to its contemporary position as a key NATO and EU member. Poland\u2019s substantial support to Ukraine, encompassing military aid, humanitarian assistance, and political advocacy, underscores its role as both a regional security actor and a logistic hub.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The paper also addresses challenges stemming from refugee influxes and bilateral tensions, while discussing broader implications for EU security and autonomy, particularly regarding Ukraine\u2019s potential membership in the EU. Through this lens, Poland emerges as both a bulwark against Russian aggression and a spearhead of European defence initiatives, navigating complex geopolitical pressures with strategic resolve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/the-tongue-of-the-balance-and-the-tip-of-the-spear-the-role-of-poland-in-european-geopolitics\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published paper<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2025, October 2). \u201cAssessment of the Limitations of the EU\u2019s Guarantees Regarding Ukraine\u2019s Security and Territorial Integrity.\u201d World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This analysis critically examines the European Union&#8217;s security guarantees for Ukraine as of 2025, amid ongoing conflict and geopolitical tensions. Despite ambitious diplomatic efforts and increased defence spending, the EU faces significant economic and military challenges that undermine its capacity to ensure Ukraine&#8217;s security and territorial integrity.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Economically, the EU struggles with sluggish growth, structural inefficiencies, high public debt, and trade deficits, particularly with China, limiting resources for sustained military investment. Militarily, the EU&#8217;s fragmented forces and reliance on NATO contrast sharply with Russia&#8217;s extensive, war-driven military production and strategic nuclear capabilities.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The war in Ukraine demonstrates the increasing prominence of drones and missiles, areas where the EU lags behind both Ukraine and Russia in production scale and innovation. Furthermore, the shifting global order towards multipolarity and the strategic alignment of Russia and China further constrain the EU&#8217;s role as a formidable security actor beyond its borders.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/assessment-of-the-limitations-of-the-eus-guarantees-regarding-ukraines-security-and-territorial-integrity\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published paper<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Sliwinski, K. (2025, September 8). \u201cAn analysis of European Diplomatic Efforts to Support Ukraine\u2019s Territorial Integrity. Challenges and Opportunities.\u201d World and New World Journal. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This analysis examines European diplomatic efforts to support Ukraine\u2019s territorial integrity amid the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war, highlighting the EU\u2019s evolving role as a security actor. The August 18, 2025, White House summit marked a key moment, with EU leaders pledging \u201cironclad\u201d security guarantees modelled after NATO\u2019s Article 5, without formal NATO membership for Ukraine, and proposing a \u201creassurance force\u201d of European troops post-ceasefire. The EU commits to unrestricted Ukrainian military capabilities, sustained economic and military aid, and intensified sanctions against Russia.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>While the EU aims to bolster Ukraine\u2019s self-defence and facilitate peace talks, challenges persist, including funding, coordination with the U.S., and Russia\u2019s rejection of guarantees involving Western troops. The EU\u2019s approach reflects a strategic shift toward a more assertive Common Foreign and Security Policy, though institutional limitations remain. The guarantees are intertwined with Ukraine\u2019s EU accession ambitions, carrying significant geopolitical and financial implications for the European security architecture and regional stability.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/european-diplomatic-efforts-ukraine-territorial-integrity\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2025). The Geopolitics of the War in Ukraine. Global-e Journal, 16(4)<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On Thursday, February 24, 2022, the Russian Federation commenced its invasion of Ukraine, officially referred to by Moscow as a \u2018special military operation\u2019 against Ukraine (Osborn, 2022). The offensive caught many by surprise, especially the severity of Russian military actions, such as targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure. During the first weeks of the war, the Ukrainian army and society impressed the world with their bravery and commitment to preserving territorial integrity and sovereignty. The ongoing conflict in Ukraine is vital from a global perspective for several reasons. Firstly, the Russian invasion threatens principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. If allowed and left unchecked, it encourages other acts of aggression, and in doing so, it confirms a worrying trend according to which the so-called great powers stand above international law. Secondly, it draws attention to Ukraine&#8217;s strategic importance as a large European country. In that sense, the outcome of the conflict will shape the balance of power on the continent. It tests the Western alliance and its response to such challenges. Thirdly, it bears global economic consequences\u2014Ukraine &amp; Russia are significant exporters of grain, energy, and raw materials. Prolonged conflict involving these two risks, long-term inflation and food\/fuel shortages abroad, is tantamount to the global spread of instability. Fourthly, the Ukrainian-Russian conflict bears an uncanny resemblance to a proxy war between the East and the West competition. An argument could be made that it could be seen as a battle between democracy and authoritarianism, where Russia\u2019s victory strengthens authoritarianism abroad. Finally, let us not forget the nuclear aspects of the conflict. A risk of direct Western involvement would raise the threat of nuclear escalation. The outcome of which could influence nonproliferation norms for security assurance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/globalejournal.org\/global-e\/september-2025\/geopolitics-war-ukraine\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K.<\/strong> <strong>(2025, August 4). &#8220;SAFE \u2013 Will the American Eagle be Replaced with the European Golden Eagle? Can the EU replace the US as a benign hegemon?&#8221; World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper examines whether the European Union (EU) can supplant the United States (US) as a benign hegemon in the contemporary international system. It discusses the concept of a benign hegemon, traditionally associated with the US, characterized by military and economic dominance exercised with liberal values, multilateralism, and the promotion of global security and prosperity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The analysis highlights the limitations of US hegemony, including military overextension, economic challenges, and a decline in soft power, particularly in regions such as the Middle East.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Conversely, the EU\u2019s global ambitions are examined, with a focus on its peace efforts, trade agreements, development aid, and multilateral engagement. However, the EU\u2019s internal divisions, lack of unified foreign and defense policy, and historical perceptions of coercion limit its ability to act as a benign hegemon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The analysis concludes with a proposition that the EU\u2019s unique nature and current constraints suggest it cannot fully assume the US\u2019s role, raising questions about the viability of benign hegemony in today\u2019s context.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/eu-benign-hegemon-debate\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K.<\/strong> <strong>(2025, July 28).<\/strong> <strong>&#8220;Can SAFE make Europe safe? The Integration of Ukraine into European Defence Cooperation Efforts: Challenges and Opportunities.&#8221;<\/strong> <strong>World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This analysis examines Ukraine\u2019s integration into European defence cooperation through the SAFE fund, highlighting its unique status as a semi-integrated security partner (SISP) despite not being an EU member.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ukraine\u2019s pursuit of NATO and EU membership is driven by security concerns, economic benefits, and cultural alignment with Europe, particularly in response to Russian aggression since 2014. NATO membership promises collective defence under Article 5, enhanced military capabilities, and political reforms, while EU accession offers economic integration, governance improvements, and strengthened defence capacities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Russia opposes Ukraine\u2019s NATO aspirations due to security fears and the potential democratic contagion threatening its regime. Still, it is more accepting of Ukraine\u2019s EU membership, viewing it as an economic rather than a military alliance. Historical assurances to the USSR against NATO expansion eastward fueled Russia\u2019s objections. Ukraine\u2019s integration into European structures symbolises a break from Russian influence but poses challenges of escalation and geopolitical tension. The SAFE fund\u2019s inclusion of Ukraine reflects the evolving boundaries of EU defence cooperation amid the ongoing conflict.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/ukraine-european-defence-cooperation\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K.<\/strong> <strong>(2025, July 21). &#8220;European Union Strategic Autonomy. Necessary but potentially problematic?&#8221;. World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper examines the evolving concept of European Union Strategic Autonomy (EU-SA) within the context of contemporary geopolitical challenges, with a particular focus on EU-Russia and EU-China relations. EU-SA reflects the EU&#8217;s aspiration to act independently in foreign policy, security, defence, and economic affairs, moving from a rule-taker to a rule-maker in global politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The study outlines the historical development of EU-SA from 2013 to the present, highlighting key milestones such as the Strategic Compass and the impact of the Ukraine War, which accelerated efforts toward defence collaboration, energy independence, and economic resilience. It explores the transatlantic dynamics, noting growing uncertainties in the U.S. commitment to NATO and the resulting push for a more autonomous European defence posture.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Additionally, it addresses the complex EU-China relationship, marked by both cooperation and competition, as well as the strained EU-Russia ties amid ongoing conflict. The paper concludes by questioning the economic feasibility and political risks of deeper EU strategic autonomy, especially regarding security centralisation and Germany&#8217;s leadership role.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/european-union-strategic-autonomy-challenge\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K.<\/strong> <strong>(2025, July 7). &#8220;Can SAFE make Europe safe? From Civilian to Military Power Europe&#8221;.<\/strong> <strong>World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper focuses on the European Union as a military power. It starts with an introduction to SAFE \u2013 Security Action for Europe, as a financial instrument designed to make the EU a formidable military power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The second part of the paper provides an account of debates regarding the nature of the EU (civilian, normative, through ethical to military). Next, a brief historical account of European defence cooperation is presented.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The central part of the analysis examines the key characteristics of the EU as a military power, which is marked by a gap between its declared motivations and the actual application of military and political means.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The paper ends with the expression of scepticism regarding the role of SAFE in the future of European Security.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background has-text-align-center wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/safe-europe-military-power-3\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K.<\/strong> <strong>(2025, June 2). \u201cEU\u2013India Free Trade Agreement and its Possible Economic and Geopolitical Ramifications\u201d. World and New World Journal.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The EU-India\u2013Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations, relaunched in 2022 after a nine-year hiatus, represent a significant step towards deepening economic and geopolitical ties between the European Union (EU) and India. The agreement, with its potential to eliminate tariffs, reduce non-tariff barriers, and enhance market access, particularly in services such as telecommunications, could substantially increase trade volume between the two entities, offering promising economic prospects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>By creating a combined market of over 1.5 billion people, the FTA offers significant economic opportunities in sectors such as chemicals, machinery, and transport equipment. More importantly, it serves as a geopolitical tool aligned with the EU\u2019s Indo-Pacific strategy, aiming to strengthen partnerships with like-minded democracies and potentially counterbalance China\u2019s increasing influence, reassuring them about its geopolitical implications.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Therefore, this study examines the potential economic and geopolitical opportunities and challenges associated with the EU-India FTA. It concludes that, perhaps unsurprisingly, much depends on the foreign and security policies of great powers such as the US, China, and Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background has-text-align-center wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/nato-europe-us-cooperation-indo-pacific\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2025). &#8220;The EU at the Crossroads of Global Geopolitics&#8221;. World and New World Journal. April 28.2025.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This study examines the short-term, medium-term, and long-term implications of recent &#8220;tariff wars&#8221; on the European Union (EU). The imposition of tariffs by the United States, particularly the &#8220;Liberation Day&#8221; tariffs announced by President Trump on April 2, 2025, led to significant disruptions in global supply chains, negatively impacted GDP growth, increased financial market volatility, and exacerbated geopolitical tensions. The EU faces challenges in navigating this shifting geopolitical landscape while maintaining its economic interests and influence. However, the EU has opportunities to leverage these conflicts to strengthen its internal market, foster international cooperation, and emerge as a more resilient global actor.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The paper concludes by discussing the potential end of transatlanticism, the future of the EU, and the implications for globalisation in light of the current &#8220;tariff chaos.&#8221;<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/eu-at-the-crossroads-of-geopolitics\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2025). &#8220;Germany &#8211; the EU&#8217;s challenging leadership in challenging times&#8221;. World and New World Journal. April 14.2025.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This paper departs from an assumption derived from Liberal Intergovernmentalism theory: Germany is a de facto leader of European integration processes and the European Union as an institution.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The first part of the analysis explores priorities and their corresponding challenges for the new German CDU-led cabinet. It examines issues around the ongoing war in Ukraine, transatlantic relations, and outstanding questions about German-China cooperation.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The second part looks at the recently proposed Security and Defence Union (SDU) project and its various challenges.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>In conclusion, it is suggested that Germany will likely dominate future defence efforts, the actual shape of which will also be determined by other players such as the US, Russia, China, Iran, Israel, India or Turkey.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background has-text-align-center wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/germany-eu-leadership\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published paper<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2025). &#8220;The Geopolitical Implications of a Second Trump Administration: Perspectives for Europe and Beyond&#8221;. <em>Studia Europejskie \u2013 Studies in European Affairs<\/em>, vol. 29, 1 -2025, pp. 173 \u2013 190. DOI: 10.33067\/SE.1.2025.9<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\"><em>This analysis focuses on possible short and medium-term effects of Trump&#8217;s election as the 47<sup>th<\/sup> President of the United States.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\"><em>This paper starts with an introduction to geopolitics and a short overview of American Presidential administrations since the end of the Cold War. It then continues with a brief account of Trump&#8217;s first presidency and then continues to account for significant challenges that Trump&#8217;s administration will have to face domestically,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\"><em>The central part of the analysis focuses on the geopolitical consequences of Trump&#8217;s election. In particular, the author looks at Europe (the ongoing war in Ukraine), the Middle East, and the Far East\u2014especially China.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\"><em>The paper concludes with the author&#8217;s conviction that the next few years will bring decisive changes likely to usher in the new world order.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/journalse.com\/the-geopolitical-implications-of-a-second-trump-administration-perspectives-for-europe-and-beyond\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published paper<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2025). &#8220;Will the EU even survive? Vital external and internal challenges ahead of the EU in the newly emerging world order&#8221;. World and New World Journal. March 17, 2025. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This paper departs from an assumption that the EU is an outstanding example of liberal institutionalism. It has been very successful in providing lasting peace for Europeans who are now facing a series of existential challenges.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The central hypothesis of this paper is that if these challenges are not addressed effectively, the EU may not survive in the long term.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The first part of the analysis explores five external challenges that affected the macroeconomic and political environments of the EU in the third decade of the 21st century.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The second part of the analysis signals five internal and more profound challenges the EU must face if it wants to continue in any viable form.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The author concludes that the future of the world order and, by extension, the environment of the EU will most likely be decided by three great powers: the US, China, and Russia.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/eu-survival-challenges\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published paper<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2025). \u201cThe Security Complex of South Caucasus and its Role in Global Geopolitics\u201d. World &amp; New World Journal, Feb. 17, 2025.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This short analysis is based on the Security Complex theorem. Its departure point is the definition of the term, as introduced by Barry Buzan and Ole W\u00e6ver.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The author then briefly introduces the historical background of the Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) and their relationships with Russia and suggests further readings for those willing to consult the existing scientific literature.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The central part of the analysis focuses on five distinct components of the Caucasus Security Complex, which include interconnected security concerns, a distinctiveness as a geographical region, anarchical structure, shared security dynamics and Social construction of threats.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The paper concludes by examining the geopolitical importance of the Caucasus region for the two Great powers, Russia and the United States of America, and the reference for the European Union.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background has-text-align-center wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/south-caucasus-security-complex\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2025). &#8220;The Trump Effect&#8221;. <em>World and New World Journal<\/em>, Jan. 6, 2025. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>This analysis focuses on possible short and medium-term effects of Trump\u2019s election as the 47th President of the United States. This paper starts with a brief account of Trump\u2019s first presidency and then continues to account for major challenges that Trump\u2019s administration will have to face domestically,<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The central part of the analysis focuses on the geopolitical consequences of Trump\u2019s election. In particular, the author looks at Europe (the ongoing war in Ukraine): Middle East and Far East \u2013 especially China.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>The paper concludes with the author&#8217;s conviction that the next few years will bring decisive changes likely to usher in the new world order.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/the-trump-effect\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2024). &#8220;Is Geopolitics Still Relevant? Halford Mackinder and the War in Ukraine&#8221;. Geography, Identity, and Politics: Concepts, Theories, and Cases in Geopolitical Analysis \/ [ed. Nuno Morgado, Mihajlo Kopanja]. &#8211; ISBN 978-86-80144-67-2. &#8211; Vol. 7 (2024), p. 175\u2013191. doi.org\/10.18485\/ipsa_41_15.2024.7.ch9 <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This paper starts with an assumption that Geopolitics, understood as one of the great schools of International Relations, is not only still relevant but, indeed, should be one of the essential items in the toolkit of any student or policymaker who peruses the challenging and ever eluding realm of international security.<br>It draws chiefly on the Heartland theory of Halford Mackinder to explain the dynamics of contemporary European Security in general and the ongoing war in Ukraine in particular. The analysis, which relies on historical examination of the geopolitical realities of Central and Eastern Europe, leads the author to a pair of conclusions: firstly, that the conflict in Ukraine is unlikely to end anytime soon and, perhaps more importantly, that the outcome of the conflict will only be one of many steps leading to the emergence of the new, possibly a multipolar, international system and consequently, and more obviously, a new security system in Europe, which will be strongly influenced by Germany rather than by the United States as before.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\"><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/doi.fil.bg.ac.rs\/pdf\/eb_ser\/ipsa_41_15\/2024-7\/ipsa_41_15-2024-7-ch9.pdf\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2024). \u201cArtificial Inteligence and International Military Conflicts \u2013 the case of war in Ukraine\u201d. <em>World &amp; New World Journal<\/em>, &nbsp;Nov. 25, 2024. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This project intends to ascertain the role of autonomous weapons in modern military conflicts. In doing so, it further adds to the recent debates, which take place among scholars, military leaders as well as policy makers around the world regarding the potential for AI to be the source of future instability and a great power rivalry.<br>It is suggested that there is an urgent need to regulate the development, proliferation and usage of autonomous weapons and weapon systems driven by AI before it is too late \u2013 namely, the AI achieves cognizant skills.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/artificial-intelligence-and-military-conflicts\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2024) \u201cThe Geopolitics of the War in Ukraine. (Is Geopolitics Still Relevant?)\u201d. <em>World &amp; New World Journal<\/em>, Sep.02, 2024. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper starts with an assumption that Geopolitics, understood as one of the great schools of International Relations, is not only still relevant but, indeed, should be one of the essential items in the toolkit of any student or policymaker who peruses the challenging and ever eluding realm of international security.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It draws chiefly on the Heartland theory of Halford Mackinder to explain the dynamics of contemporary European Security in general and the ongoing war in Ukraine in particular.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The analysis leads the author to a pair of conclusions: firstly, that the conflict in Ukraine is unlikely to end anytime soon and, perhaps more importantly, that the outcome of the war will only be one of many steps leading to the emergence of the new, possibly a multipolar, international system and consequently, and more obviously, a new security system in Europe, which will be strongly influenced by Germany rather than by the United States as before.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background has-text-align-center wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/worldandnewworld.com\/geopolitics-of-the-war-in-ukraine\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p><strong>Stivas D. and \u015aliwi\u0144ski K. (2024). \u201cThe securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe, Asia, and Oceania: Mixes of imbalanced securitizing narratives and measures.\u201d International Relations, 3:16\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Governments across the world resorted to different forms of narratives and measures to manage the COVID-19 pandemic. This study observed the responses of six administrations (China, Sweden, UK, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and New Zealand) through the lenses of the securitization theory as complemented with tailor-made methodological tools. Introducing the concept of the \u2018securitization gap\u2019 between the securitizing narratives\u2019 intensity and the securitizing measures\u2019 stringency this study argues that a consistency between the rhetoric\u2019s intensity and measures\u2019 severity did not impact the governments\u2019 capacity to manage the COVID-19 outbreak. Further, this study finds a relation between the stringency of the securitizing measures and the management of COVID-19. Administrations that resorted to severe forms of securitization managed to spare more lives from the virus than administrations that did not enforce stringent securitizing tactics. Lastly, this study argues that the agreement of the general public with the securitizing narratives and the securitizing measures did not drastically influence the COVID-19 fatalities in the concerned case studies.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/internationalrelations-publishing.org\/articles\/3-16\/v2\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2023) &#8220;Is Geopolitics still relevant? Halford Mackinder and the war in Ukraine&#8221;. Studia Europejskie \u2013 Studies in European Affairs, 4-2023, pp. 7-25. DOI: 10.33067\/SE.4.2023.1<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>This paper starts with an assumption that Geopolitics, understood as one of the great schools of International Relations, is not only still relevant but, indeed, should be one of the essential items in the toolkit of any student or policymaker who peruses the challenging and ever eluding realm of international security. <br \/>It draws chiefly on the Heartland theory of Halford Mackinder to explain the dynamics of contemporary European Security in general and the ongoing war in Ukraine in particular. <br \/>The analysis, which relies heavily on historical examination of the geopolitical realities of Central and Eastern Europe, leads the author to a pair of conclusions: firstly, that the conflict in Ukraine is unlikely to end anytime soon and, perhaps more importantly, that the outcome of the war will only be one of many steps leading to the emergence of the new, possibly a multipolar, international system and consequently, and more obviously, a new security system in Europe, which will be strongly influenced by Germany rather than by the United States as before.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background has-text-align-center wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/journalse.com\/is-geopolitics-still-relevant-halford-mackinder-and-the-war-in-ukraine\/\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2023) Review of \u201cThe EU Towards the Global South During the Covid-19 Pandemic\u201d, (Ed. Katarzyna Ko\u0142odziejczyk), Peter Lang, Berlin 2022., p. 159, <em>Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies, <\/em> 21 No. 2<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The European Union is one of the most important economic actors in international economics and traditionally the most significant humanitarian aid donor towards the countries of the so-called Global South (GS). Given its historical links (European colonialism), the EU maintains unique economic relations with many of the members of the GS under the umbrella of The Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS). Admittedly, the COVID\u201319 Pandemic wreaked havoc and perturbations<br \/>much worse than in many countries of the so-called Global North (GN) due to the GS\u2019s economic, social and political characteristics\/difficulties.<br \/>The authors look at important and interesting questions: Has the pandemic changed EU policy towards the countries of the Global South in terms of development cooperation and humanitarian aid? How effective were the actions undertaken by the EU in the fight against the pandemic in the countries of the Global South? How are the EU\u2019s actions perceived by the countries of the Global South? Has the EU competed for influence in the countries of the Global South during the pandemic? Will the pandemic affect the evolution of the EU\u2019s existing relations with the countries of the Global South?<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-16018d1d wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/www.keusa.or.kr\/journal\/thesis.asp\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to a published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2021). \u201cBetween national interests and European values: towards the theory of Principled Intergovernmentalism\u201d, European Review (Przegl\u0105d Europejski), 2021(3), DOI: 10.31338\/1641-2478pe.3.21.4<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The aim of the article is to theorise on the role of principles as important variables influencing European politics. Recent European-related events, including but not limited to the immigration crisis, international economic and political competition on a global scale (as well as relations with third parties such as Russia and the United States), prompt us to revise liberal intergovernmentalism as proposed by Andrew Moravcsik at the beginning of 90s last century. The study is based on the analysis of four cases: immigration crisis, posted workers directive, multiannual financial framework post-2020, and relations with Russia concerned energy security. The article puts forward an idea that principles, which European institutions and national governments refer to (such as the principle of solidarity or the principle of the rule of law) have been successfully instrumentalised by a range of actors (major governments, as well as European Commission acting on their behalf) to the greatest benefit of the most powerful governments in Europe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-layout-flex wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-background wp-element-button\" style=\"background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to the published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2021). Nord Stream 2: Recent Geopolitics of Energy Security, <em>global-e <\/em>14:16, June 25, 2021.<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Three preoccupations of states are intricately intertwined within the realm of international relations as pertaining to the relative positions, interactions, and capabilities of state actors (and, to an extent, non-state actors as well). Security, as most scholars would agree, is perhaps the most critical goal for states, and energy acquisition plays a particularly crucial role here because it enables the other two preoccupations: physical survival and economic development. Geographical location dictates resource availability and the costs (economic and political) of energy procurement. This essay examines some recent global tendencies in the geopolitics of energy security, particularly in relation to Russia-E.U. Nord Stream 2 project.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button is-style-fill\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/globalejournal.org\/global-e\/june-2021\/nord-stream-2-recent-geopolitics-energy-security\" style=\"color:#ffffff;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to the published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2021). The Military and Policy Implications of Space Race 2.0,&nbsp;<em>global-e<\/em>&nbsp;14:2, February 18, 2021.<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For some time now, space has been crucial to human activity. Our societies are almost entirely dependent on space systems for all kinds of technologies, from GPS to the ATM, from phone calls to gas pipelines. As Massimo Pellegrino and Gerald Stang observe in their report published by the European Union Institute for Security Studies (Space Security for Europe, 2016), every cutting-edge technology being adopted these days in highly-developed economies involve space-based (and mostly unprotected) systems. In military terms, such dependence is even more emphatic. Precision weaponry, drone surveillance, and real-time field communications are indispensable in the 21st century. Consequently, with the growing number of countries and players interested in space capabilities, outer space is being exposed to additional strategic competition and even conflict, with threats ranging from anti-satellite weapons to \u201chybrid\u201d operations and cyberattacks. China and Russia have already engaged and invested in this domain in order to challenge US dominance, while countries like India and Brazil are striving to access what they refer to as a &#8216;global common&#8217;\u2014one whose rules, although subject to conflict, are evolving very rapidly (Pellegrino and Stang, 2016)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.21global.ucsb.edu\/global-e\/february-2021\/military-and-policy-implications-space-race-20\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-layout-flex wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2020)<\/strong>, A Critical Analysis of Europeanism as an Ideology. Its Preconditions and Tenets, <em>Studies in European Affairs Quarterly<\/em>&nbsp;4\/2020, 7\u201324, DOI:10.33067\/SE.4.2020.1.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper looks at European integration and specifically at its institution- al form \u2013 the European Union from an ideological perspective. The author claims that \u2018Europeanism\u2019 has become a new ideology shared among intel- lectual, political, judicatory, societal, and even dominant economic elites that influence or shape the European Union as an institution and its major policies. As an ideology, \u2018Europeanism\u2019 is a somewhat exotic mixture of various, seemingly incoherent trends that give the current European Un- ion its intriguing characteristics. On the one hand, economically, one can easily identify numerous elements of neoliberalism, especially regarding the&nbsp;financial aspects of European integration. Likewise, arguments used by the major proponents of European integration&nbsp;<em>vis-\u00e0-vis&nbsp;<\/em>USA, China, or Japan are of neoliberal character. At the same time, regarding inter- national trade in agricultural products, intellectual property, or internal (single market) competition (freedom of labour) one rather quickly spots distinct elements of protectionism and over-regulation. Finally, in terms of philosophical outlook and especially moral issues, \u2018Europeanism\u2019 seems to be mostly focusing on the progressive agenda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/01\/A-Critical-Analysis-of-Europeanism-as-an-Ideology.-Its-Preconditions-and-Tenets.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-layout-flex wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\"><strong>Stivas, D. &amp; \u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2020). Securitizing Coronavirus: Global Risks, Responses, and Consequences<\/strong>,&nbsp;global-e, September 8, 2020.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">We argue that useful frameworks to analyze governments\u2019 responses to the ongoing coronavirus crisis are the securitization sub-theories of&nbsp;<em>a-securitization<\/em>,&nbsp;<em>hyper-securitization<\/em>,&nbsp;and&nbsp;<em>preemptive securitization<\/em>. The first occurs when political actors declare critical social phenomena as security-irrelevant and consequently treat them as such. Hyper-securitization takes place when the emergency actions taken by governments are super-extraordinary and linger even after the containment of the declared threats. Finally, preemptive securitisation occurs when states proceed with enacting extraordinary measures even when the perceived threats appear to be distant and\/or avoidable. In the context of the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak, most governments across the world moved along the a-securitization to hyper-securitization gamut. Interestingly, those states that account for fewer casualties as a result of the epidemic are those that embraced preemptive securitization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.21global.ucsb.edu\/global-e\/september-2020\/securitizing-coronavirus-global-risks-responses-and-consequences\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2020).&nbsp;Crisis Politics and the Instrumentalization of Principles, global-e 13:48, July 24, 2020.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">Over the past ten years or so, various common EU principles have been invoked on numerous occasions to criticize, stigmatize, or legitimize the policies of national governments. By \u201cinstrumentalization\u201d we mean to denote this phenomenon whereby&nbsp;common principles such as the \u2018rule of law\u2019 or \u2018solidarity\u2019 are invoked by a range of actors\u2014national governments, major European institutions, NGOs, even the European Commission\u2014to the greatest benefit of the most powerful governments, and thus to the advantage of the strongest economies, in the EU. In other words, European&nbsp;national governments pursue national interests in classic \u2018compete-and-cooperate\u2019 mode in intra-European affairs when compelling interests are seen to be at stake.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.21global.ucsb.edu\/global-e\/july-2020\/crisis-politics-and-instrumentalization-principles\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">Holland, M., Sliwinski, K. &amp; Thomas, N. (2020). \u201cIs Affective Effective? Measuring Affective Learning in Simulations.\u201d&nbsp;<em>International Studies Perspectives<\/em>, ekaa005<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">Simulations have become a regular component of teaching toolkits. They provide teachers with a platform to take students\u2019 knowledge and understanding of subject materials beyond the classroom. In doing so, simulations fulfill a critical pedagogical purpose in that they need to construct a learning space; one more efficacious in delivering learning opportunities than traditional modes of instruction. In order for simulations to be effective, students need to be able to place themselves in role. The more closely the students identify with their topic (the greater their affection for the subject), the closer the alignment between the exercise and the intended learning outcomes. This article considers how an affective learning environment can be created with simulations. The lens for this analysis is an international model European Union simulation that has been running in Hong Kong and New Zealand. Our argument is that the more affective the simulated environment, the more realistic it will be perceived to be by the participants. However, contrary to the prevailing literature, our findings suggest that affection does not necessarily have to be positively constructed in order for simulations to be effective pedagogical tools.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/academic.oup.com\/isp\/advance-article-abstract\/doi\/10.1093\/isp\/ekaa005\/5846111?redirectedFrom=fulltext\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">Sliwinski, K. (2020). The Securitization of Hong Kong Politics: Global Implications, global-e, 13:30, May 19, 2020.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">The recent wave of civil unrest in Hong Kong that commenced in June 2019 needs to be analyzed in light of a host of national security issues raised by the central government in Beijing. These concerns highlight ongoing tensions between the People\u2019s Republic of China and the United States, while at the same time directing attention to continuities between recent unrest and another wave of protests only five years earlier.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Simulations have become a regular component of teaching toolkits. They provide teachers with a platform to take students\u2019 knowledge and understanding of subject materials beyond the classroom. In doing so, simulations fulfil a critical pedagogical purpose in that they need to construct a learning space; one more efficacious in delivering learning opportunities than traditional modes of instruction. In order for simulations to be effective, students need to be able to place themselves in the role. The more closely the students identify with their topic (the greater their affection for the subject), the closer the alignment between the exercise and the intended learning outcomes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article considers how an affective learning environment can be created with simulations. The lens for this analysis is an international model European Union simulation that has been running in Hong Kong and New Zealand. Our argument is that the more affective the simulated environment, the more realistic it will be perceived to be by the participants. However, contrary to the prevailing literature, our findings suggest that affection does not necessarily have to be positively constructed in order for simulations to be effective pedagogical tools.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.21global.ucsb.edu\/global-e\/may-2020\/securitization-hong-kong-politics-global-implications\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">Sliwinski, K. (2020). Securitization of Hong Kong Politics: debate on electoral reform and civil disobedience of 2014, POLITIKA \u2013 Annual Journal Session 2018-2019, 6-19.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Hong Kong society has long been known as an outstanding example of a law-abiding community, proud of its rule of law and generally displaying considerable lack of interest in politics. How is it possible then that first time in the history of HKSAR major streets were blocked for so long by so many ordinary citizens? How could this usually benign and politically apathetic society be galvanized to such an extent around abstract political ideas that do not exactly correspond with traditional Confucius values? How should we account for the reaction of the HKSAR government and the Central Government in Beijing?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This paper attempts to address the above questions by invoking the social constructivist paradigm of securitisation of politics. It is the hypothesis of the author that the major issues concerning public policymaking in Hong Kong, and especially its political reform and the opposition of large part of citizenry towards it known as \u2018Occupy Central\u2019, have been framed by central government in Beijing as a \u2018national security issue\u2019. It is also claimed that Hong Kong politics have effectively fallen a victim to \u2018China Dream\u2019 as a litmus test of President Xi Jinping\u2019s effectiveness as a state leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/POLITIKAfin..pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">Pouzitakis, S &amp; Sliwinski, K. (2018). \u201eA Study of Foreign Policy Analysis Framework in Germany\u2019s Energy Policy of the Post-Cold War Era.\u201d EURAMERICA 48: 4, 1-32.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This paper re-examines the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) with regards to the security of energy relations between Germany and Russia, understood as specific foreign policy actions\u2014that is, \u201cproducts\u201d of foreign policy decisions. It attempts to explain why Germany consistently sought better relations with Russia, partially with the aim of securing energy supplies. Drawing on Walter Carlsnaes\u2019s identified lack of integrative and dynamic models that convincingly include both types of variables\u2014structures and actors in a dynamic fashion\u2014this study offers a link between the FPA and energy policy.<br>The paper focuses on the years from the 1990s through to the present, across various segments of the German government, and explores major values and objectives of German energy policy. German energy policy is intrinsic to German-Russian relations and places particular emphasis on the Nord Stream 1 pipeline. Our research indicates that the linear sequence, as proposed by Carlsnaes himself (structure\u2014disposition\u2014intention\u2014action), can be conducive in bringing about favourable conditions for further actions following the same path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/Pourzitakis-and-Sliwinski-A-Study-of-Foreign-Policy-Analysis-Framework-in-Germanys-Energy-Policy.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2018). \u201cEuropean Politics and the Neoliberal Paradigm\u201d.&nbsp;<em>Australian &amp; New Zealand Journal of European Studies<\/em>, 1:10, 92-111.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This paper looks at the European integration project in its current iteration drawing on Karl Polanyi\u2019s assertion that markets are inseparable from the socio-cultural context. In this regard, all attempts to liberalise the economy (not excluding European integration, which is based on the principle of the single market) have practical and indeed tangible political ramifications. The main hypothesis of the paper lies in the recognition of the fact that the neoliberal agenda is one of the defining features of European integration. It is after all, the project of the single market, with its free movement of goods, services, capital, and labour that underpins European Union integrative practice.<br>Secondly, it is the presupposition of this paper, that there is a certain degree of congruence between the economic elites, operating within the neoliberal framework, and the centre-left political elites. The argument here is that the logic of neoliberalism has been fundamentally accepted across the mainstream of the political spectrum. This consequently means that even left-wing parties have had to reposition themselves both ideologically and practically, which brings the conclusion that the market has lost its role as the basic ideological differentiator between the traditional right and left. The axis of political debate has consequently shifted to moral issues such as the relationship between the state and the church, immigration, and gender.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/K-Sliwinski_European-Politics-and-the-Neoliberal-Paradigm.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\"><strong>Paper featured for 2018 ISA Conference:<\/strong>&nbsp;The Power of Rules and Rule of Power, \u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2014). \u201cMoving beyond the European Union\u2019s Weakness as a Cyber-Security Agent\u201d.&nbsp;<em>Contemporary Security Policy<\/em>, 35:3, 468-486<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">DOI: 10.1080\/13523260.2014.959261 featured in a virtual issue: see more:&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/contemporarysecuritypolicy.org\/\">http:\/\/contemporarysecuritypolicy.org\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. &amp; Pourzitakis S. (2017). \u201cEuropean Energy Security through Foreign Policy Analysis: Nord Stream 1 and its Consequences.\u201d&nbsp;<em>Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies<\/em>, 2:85, 41-65.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This paper reexamines the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) with regard to recent developments concerning Nord Stream 1 (NS1) and Nord Stream 2 (NS2). Both of these projects are understood as specific foreign policy actions \u2013 \u201cproducts\u201d of foreign policy decisions.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">Drawing on Walter Carlsnaes\u2019s identified lack of integrative and dynamic models that would convincingly include both types of variables \u2013 structures and actors in a dynamic fashion \u2013 this study proposes a \u201creinforced model\u201d of foreign policy analysis.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">Our model accounts convincingly for the correlation between NS1 and NS2, understood as foreign policy actions. Our research indicates that the linear sequence, as proposed by Carlsnaes himself (structure \u2013 disposition \u2013 intention \u2013 action), can and indeed should be re-conceptualized in a \u201ccircular\u201d manner. This being the case, it is claimed that the outcome of the original action (NS1) has reinforced the structural dimension that has led to reinforced dispositional dimension, which in turn has led to reinforced intentional dimension that ultimately underpins NS2.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/Eu-15-2-3-Krzysztof-Stratos_1.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">Krzysztof Feliks Silwinski, (2016) \u2018Moving Beyond the European Union\u2019s Weakness as a Cyber-security Agent\u2019,&nbsp;<em>Contemporary Security Policy<\/em>, 2014, 35, 3, In Smith, M. A. (ed.) European Security. Critical Concepts in Military, Strategic and Security Studies, (468\u201386). Routledge.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. F. (2016). \u2018A-securitization\u2019 of immigration policy \u2013 the case of European Union,&nbsp;<em>Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies<\/em><em>, 14:1, 25-56.<\/em><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This paper draws on the \u2018securitization\u2019 thesis with regard to immigration policy of the European Union and its members. Contrary to existing literature, it is claimed that the current immigration crisis that the European Union faces is driven by an opposite dynamic, which produces \u2018a-securitization\u2019 \u2013 a phenomenon defined, in this paper, as a condition where important social phenomena are declared security irrelevant and consequently treated as such (both explicitly or implicitly). The analysis of the ongoing debate leads the author to identify major actors (drivers) on the pro-immigration side, their institutional forms and principles to which they adhere. These actors include: national political elites, the EU and its institutions, multinational companies and mass media. The thesis of \u2018a-securitization\u2019 is proposed as a theoretical explanation that allows us to account for a number of seemingly illogical phenomena taking place at the EU level and at national levels regarding both national and human security of European societies as well as a majority of immigrants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. F. (2014), <strong>Moving beyond the European Union&#8217;s Weakness as a Cyber-Security Agent<\/strong>, <strong>Contemporary Security Policy&nbsp;<\/strong>Volume 35, 2014 &#8211;&nbsp;Issue 3, pp. 468-486.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">Policy and research on European cyber-security remains formative compared to leaders in the field like China and the United States. This article evaluates the European Union (EU) as a cyber-security actor, asking fundamental questions concerning the EU\u2019s combination of prominence and obscurity, especially its limitations and prospects. Who and what is going to dominate the European response to cyber-security in the future? These questions are examined within the larger framework of liberal intergovernmentalism. The EU also is compared to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a point of reference to further understand the limitations and challenges ahead for the EU. Two major factors limit the EU as a cyber-security actor: its intergovernmental character, and the lack of collective vision on cyber-security with the EU and between member states. To play an important role in shaping cyberspace and cyber-security, the EU cannot treat the internet as simply a communication tool or trading platform. Cooperation and capacity-building measures are needed to allow EU member states to surpass mere coordination of their respective national cyber-security strategies. To succeed as a cyber-power, the EU should adapt new and different forms of cyber-power, from the compulsory through the institutional, to the structural and productive. Otherwise, coordination of national strategies for cyber-security of EU member states is the most the EU as an actor can aim for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/abs\/10.1080\/13523260.2014.959261\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2015).&nbsp;Securitization&nbsp;of Hong Kong Politics: the debate on electoral reform and civil disobedience of 2014.&nbsp;<em>Spo\u0142ecze\u0144stwo i Polityka<\/em>. 4:45, 15-36. (English).<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/K-Sliwinski-2015.-Securitization-of-Hong-Kong-Politics_the-debate-on-electoral-reform-and-civil-disobedience-of-2014.-Spoleczenstwo-i-Polityka.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. and Rakowska, A. (2015). Security Threats and Risk Management: European and Chinese responses to climate disruption.&nbsp;<em>Przegl\u0105d Europejski<\/em>. 4:38, 142-163. (English).<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">Most academics and policy makers agree upon irreversible phenomena affecting planet Earth\u2019s climate \u2013 we have finally faced a climate disruption. As triggered by humans, environmental degradation ultimately threatens not only the security but even the survival of individuals, communities, states and perhaps even the international system as a whole.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This paper addresses differences with regards to risk assessment of climate disruption in Europe and in China. Its departure point is that the divergence between European and Chinese approaches is based on structural and institutional distinctions. Specifically, it tries to assess those distinctions (importance of sovereignty and non-interference) with regards to methods (assessment of vulnerability) and principles (transparency and inclusiveness) of risk assessment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">Initial analysis leads to a tentative conclusion, which confirms the importance of political culture in national responses to security threats (be it traditional or non-traditional). In this respect EU-China strategic partnership is suggested as one of the possibly effective platforms for future cooperation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/Sliwinski-K_-Rakowska_A-Security-threats-and-risk-management.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2014). The Fifth Domain \u2013 national security in private hands? Civilianization of security in United Kingdom.<em>&nbsp;Spo\u0142ecze\u0144stwo i Polityka&nbsp;<\/em>3:40, 135-156. (English).<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/K-Sliwinski_The-Fifth-Domain_national-security-in-private-hands.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2014). Accounting for Pre-conditions for a Harmonious Community of States: Democratization and the Security Complex in East and Southeast Asia.&nbsp;<em>Journal of Asian Public Policy<\/em>, 7:3, 214-230, DOI: 10.1080\/17516234.2014.922149<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This article addresses the relationship between the character of political regimes and security in East and Southeast Asia. In doing so, it draws on the insights of both regional security complex and liberal peace theories. The analysis of democratization processes is therefore juxtaposed with the general underdevelopment of democracy in the region. It is ascertained that the security paradox that features prominently in East and Southeast Asian international relations can be transcended. Democratization and modernization alone, however, do not suffice, in which case another normative basis is needed. The main conclusion takes the author to accept the importance of culture in political community building. In that respect, a common denominator is sought in building a genuine Asian identity based on human values, to which major political philosophies and religions in the region subscribe. Consequently, the convergence among social norms, political norms and peace is theorized.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/abs\/10.1080\/17516234.2014.922149\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2014). European Union \u2013 cyber power in the making.&nbsp;<em>The Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies<\/em>, 12:1, pp. 1-22.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This article investigates the challenges and limitations of an emerging European cyber security posture. The departure point for the analysis is embedded within the framework that rests on identifying four distinct forms of cyber power: compulsory, institutional, structural and productive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">Tentative conclusions suggest that to be effective, the EU\u2019s strategic approach must strike the right balance between all four forms. Additionally, a major challenge for the designers of EU cyber security posture will be accommodating the technology, which due to its characteristics challenges the established balance of power between and within states. Finally, international cooperation regarding two basic categories of cyber threats, whereby states are much more likely to succeed in tackling cyber crime than cyber espionage, must also be addressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2012). Polish National Security Dilemmas. Missile defense complex and its role in Foreign Policy.&nbsp;<em>Democracy and Security, 8:2<\/em>, 191-212.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This article examines fundamental dilemmas concerning contemporary Polish Security Policy. Firstly, it addresses the question of US missile defense complex and its place in Polish politics. Secondly, it employs Foreign Policy Analysis tools with special attention to the agency-structure nexus. Specifically, it analyses three distinct dimensions: intentional, dispositional and structural. The author claims that Polish attitudes towards US missile defense are a result of Polish-US and Polish-Russian relations. Although evidence suggests that public attitudes towards US missile defense complex in Poland are affected by the threat of international terrorism, the issue should be seen within a broader geopolitical perspective.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/abs\/10.1080\/17419166.2012.681602\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2012). Counter-terrorism \u2013 a comprehensive approach. Social mobilization and \u2018civilianization\u2019 of security: the Case of the United Kingdom.&nbsp;<em>European Security<\/em>&nbsp;2012, 22:3, pp. 288-306.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">The global war on terror and 9\/11 have brought to our attention the perpetual problem of freedom versus security. The more governments strive to provide security, the more they tend to curb the freedoms of their citizens. \u2018Stop and search\u2019 procedures, 28-day detentions of terrorist suspects without charge or new body scanners at the airports are just the \u2018tip of the iceberg\u2019 in a long list of the state\u2019s encroachments into our private lives. This paper departs from such a seemingly inescapable predicament. It analyses the rote of the public in preventing, protecting and preparing for terrorist attacks under the British government\u2019s counter-terrorism strategy known as CONTEST. It explores two social phenomena that are being increasingly promoted by official authorities in the United Kingdo, namely, mobilisation of society and what the author terms \u2018civilianisation of security. The latter is defined as a notion relating to non-military, voluntary organisations and the business\/private sector. engaged by government but acting in its own right against terrorism threats. \u2018Civilianisation\u2019 of security is also conceived of as a potential tool to bridge the gap between two incompatible worlds of state security and personal freedoms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/Counter-terrorism-a-comprehensive-approach.-Social-mobilisation.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2010). British Nuclear Strategy at the Threshold of 21st Century.&nbsp;<em>European Security<\/em>, 18: 1, pp.81-97.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This paper emphasizes the pertinence of the British government\u2019s claim that nuclear deterrent threats are still relevant in the four broad areas to which it addresses: deterrence against aggression towards British\/NATO vital interests or nuclear coercion\/ blackmail by major powers with large nuclear arsenals; deterrence against nuclear coercion or blackmail with other WMD by regional \u2018\u2018rogue\u2019\u2019 states; deterrence against state-sponsored acts of nuclear terrorism; and as a general residual deterrent function to preserve peace and stability in an uncertain world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">British nuclear weapons are still important and very much relevant in all the four areas discussed. First of all, they play a role of a significant tool of political leverage as they continue to serve as an authentication of British military capabilities. In that regard, they still function much the same way they did during the \u2018Cold War\u2019. WMDs were, after all, a guarantee of their non-use, which does not mean that they were not useful. Secondly, it also authenticates the UK among its allies. Even though generally democracies do not wage wars with one another, they still have to face the challenges posed by non-democracies. In doing so, they need to support each other with the use of&nbsp;<em>\u2018ultima ratio\u2019<\/em>&nbsp;arguments in order to safeguard international peace and stability. The British nuclear deterrent should, therefore, be perceived as a general deterrent with a positive influence on international community and international security, overall.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/abs\/10.1080\/09662830903432680\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2009). European Supranationalism. The battle of spirit of Jean Monnet and vision of General de Gaulle.&nbsp;<em>POLITIKA Annual Journal<\/em>,&nbsp;<em>34<\/em>, 31-34.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">August 3 this year marked the 60th anniversary of the statute of the Council of Europe entering into force. During the first session, held on 8 th -10th of September 1949, of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe, federalist members of parliament requested the institution of a European political authority. As a result, a mere year later, in a speech inspired by Jean Monnet, the French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman proposed integrating the coal and steel industries of Western Europe. \u2018Europe Day\u2019 celebrated later annually came to symbolize European integration processes that brought peace and prosperity to, initially western part of the European continent after ages of devastating conflicts. The Shuman Declaration decisively envisaged that \u2018the contribution which an organized and living Europe can bring to civilization is indispensable to the maintenance of peaceful relations\u2019.1The reason behind initial integration was to make \u2018war not only unthinkable but materially impossible\u2019. From today\u2019s perspective, initial goals of European integration seem obvious and not so much thought is usually given to the great founder of European federalism Jean Monnet and his seminal plans.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/European-supranationalism_-The-battle-of-spirit-of-Jean-Monnet-an.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2007). British National Security Strategy (1945-2005).&nbsp;<em>Studia Mi\u0119dzynarodowe<\/em>,&nbsp;<em>1-4<\/em>:3, 71-92.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">This paper emphasizes the pertinence of the British government\u2019s claim that nuclear deterrent threats are still relevant in the four broad areas to which it addresses: deterrence against aggression towards British\/NATO vital interests or nuclear coercion\/ blackmail by major powers with large nuclear arsenals; deterrence against nuclear coercion or blackmail with other WMD by regional \u2018\u2018rogue\u2019\u2019 states; deterrence against state-sponsored acts of nuclear terrorism; and as a general residual deterrent function to preserve peace and stability in an uncertain world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-left\">British nuclear weapons are still important and very much relevant in all the four areas discussed. First of all, they play a role of a significant tool of political leverage as they continue to serve as an authentication of British military capabilities. In that regard, they still function much the same way they did during the \u2018Cold War\u2019. WMDs were, after all, a guarantee of their non-use, which does not mean that they were not useful. Secondly, it also authenticates the UK among its allies. Even though generally democracies do not wage wars with one another, they still have to face the challenges posed by non-democracies. In doing so, they need to support each other with the use of&nbsp;<em>\u2018ultima ratio\u2019<\/em>&nbsp;arguments in order to safeguard international peace and stability. The British nuclear deterrent should, therefore, be perceived as a general deterrent with a positive influence on international community and international security, overall.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/abs\/10.1080\/09662830903432680\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Link to published article<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2005). Evolution of British Strategy of Deterrent.&nbsp;<em>Stosunki Mi\u0119dzynarodowe<\/em>,&nbsp;<em>3-4<\/em>:32, 143\u2013162.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2005) Review of: John Dickie,&nbsp;<em>The New Mandarins: How British Foreign Policy Works,<\/em>&nbsp;I. B. Tauris, London 2004, p. 254,&nbsp;<em>Stosunki Mi\u0119dzynarodowe<\/em>,&nbsp;<em>1-2<\/em>:31, 213-215.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K., &amp; Proni\u0144ska, K. (2004). Report from Scientific Conference: \u201eInstitutionalisation of International Multilateral Co-operation in Europe in the Context of New Challenges\u201d,&nbsp;<em>Stosunki Mi\u0119dzynarodowe<\/em>,&nbsp;<em>1-2<\/em>:29, 185-190.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2003). Report from Scientific Conference of the Institute of International Relations: \u201eGlobalisation in International Relations\u201d,&nbsp;<em>Stosunki Mi\u0119dzynarodowe<\/em>,&nbsp;<em>1-2<\/em>: 27, 201-214.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading has-text-align-left\">\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2002). Evolution of Security Strategy in International Relations,&nbsp;<em>\u015awiat i Polityka<\/em>,&nbsp;<em>3-4<\/em>, 53-72.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Published Book Chapters<\/h3>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:50px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Biele\u0144, St. and \u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2017). Comparing Polish-German and Polish-Russian reconciliation efforts. In. A. Frieberg and C. K. Martin Chung (eds.)&nbsp;<a rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" href=\"https:\/\/www.routledge.com\/Reconciling-with-the-Past-Resources-and-Obstacles-in-a-Global-Perspective\/Frieberg-Chung\/p\/book\/9781138651722\" target=\"_blank\"><em>Reconciling with the Past: Resources and Obstacles in a Global Perspective<\/em><\/a>(148-160). Routledge.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2014). Poland: A Nation of the In-Between. In R. Vogt, W. Cristaudo, A. Leutzsch (eds.)&nbsp;<em>European National Identities. Elements. Transitions. Conflicts<\/em>, (155 \u2013 171). New Brunswick: Transaction.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (2006). Economical Aspects of British Security Strategy. In Hali\u017cak, E. (Ed.).&nbsp;<em>International Relations in the 21<sup>st<\/sup>&nbsp;Century<\/em>, (pp. 112 \u2013 131). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K., &amp; Wr\u00f3bel, (2004). A. Uniform Services Market of UE \u2013 Consequences for Poland. In Hali\u017cak, E. (Ed.).&nbsp;<em>Foreign and Internal Policy in the Process of European Integration<\/em>, (pp. 272 \u2013 293). Bydgoszcz-Warsaw: Oficyna Wydawnicza Branta.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Non-refereed works<\/h3>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:51px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Sliwinski, K. (2019). \u201cBrexit \u2013 between intergovernmentalism and \u2018Europeanism\u2019.\u201d Public Jurist special issue, 12-18.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-horizontal is-content-justification-center is-layout-flex wp-container-core-buttons-is-layout-499968f5 wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link has-text-color has-background wp-element-button\" href=\"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/12\/Public-Jurist-Special-Issue-Brexit-Symposium.pdf\" style=\"border-radius:2px;color:#fffffa;background-color:#ba0c49\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">Download now<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (July 9, 2016). \u201cBrexit and European Security\u201d. Hong Kong Economic Journal.&nbsp;<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-embed is-type-wp-embed is-provider-hkej-com wp-block-embed-hkej-com\"><div class=\"wp-block-embed__wrapper\">\n<script src=\"https:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-content\/plugins\/embed-extended\/assets\/js\/embed.js?ver=1.4.0\"><\/script><iframe class=\"ee-iframe lazyload\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" data-src=\"https:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-admin\/admin-ajax.php?action=embed_extended_iframe&#038;url=http:\/\/www1.hkej.com\/dailynews\/international\/article\/1341024\/%E5%BE%8C%E8%84%AB%E6%AD%90%E5%8B%A2%E5%8A%9B%E5%86%8D%E5%B9%B3%E8%A1%A1+%E5%BE%B7%E4%B8%8A%E8%8B%B1%E8%90%BD%E5%A0%AA%E6%86%82#secret=69df1a8038920\" title=\"\u4eca\u65e5\u4fe1\u5831 - EJ Global - \u5f8c\u812b\u6b50\u52e2\u529b\u518d\u5e73\u8861 \u5fb7\u4e0a\u82f1\u843d\u582a\u6182 - Krzysztof Sliwinski - EJ GLOBAL plus \u4fe1\u89c0\u9ede - \u4fe1\u5831\u7db2\u7ad9 hkej.com\" data-secret=\"69df1a8038920\" width=\"600\" height=\"338\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" data-class=\"wp-embedded-content\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyB3aWR0aD0iMSIgaGVpZ2h0PSIxIiB4bWxucz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMjAwMC9zdmciPjwvc3ZnPg==\" data-load-mode=\"1\"><\/iframe> \n<\/div><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (January 19, 2016). \u201c<a href=\"http:\/\/blogs.lse.ac.uk\/europpblog\/2016\/01\/19\/the-european-commissions-rule-of-law-review-in-poland-risks-fuelling-euroscepticism\/\">The European Commission\u2019s rule of law review in Poland risks fuelling Euroscepticism<\/a>.&nbsp;EUROPP \u2013 European Politics and Policy. The London School of Economics and Political Science.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. \u201cPoland\u2019s bugging scandal highlights the need for a more pragmatic Polish foreign policy over Ukraine and Russia\u201d. EUROPP \u2013 European Politics and Policy. The London School of Economics and Political Science at:&nbsp;<a rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" href=\"http:\/\/blogs.lse.ac.uk\/europpblog\/2014\/06\/30\/polands-bugging-scandal-highlights-the-need-for-a-more-pragmatic-polish-foreign-policy-over-ukraine-and-russia\/\" target=\"_blank\">http:\/\/blogs.lse.ac.uk\/europpblog\/2014\/06\/30\/polands-bugging-scandal-highlights-the-need-for-a-more-pragmatic-polish-foreign-policy-over-ukraine-and-russia\/<\/a>&nbsp;(June 30, 2014).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K, \u201c<a href=\"http:\/\/blogs.lse.ac.uk\/europpblog\/2014\/10\/17\/donald-tusks-presidency-of-the-european-council-will-present-as-many-challenges-for-poland-as-opportunities\/\">Donald Tusk\u2019s Presidency of the European Council will present as many challenges for Poland as opportunities<\/a>\u201c. EUROPP \u2013 European Politics and Policy, the London School of Economics and Political Science. (October 17, 2014).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K. (March 7, 2015). \u201cUkrainian Crisis \u2013 clashing interests, visions and values\u201d, Hong Kong Economic Journal. (English version) (Chinese version).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Unpublished work<\/h3>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:61px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n\n\n\n<p>\u015aliwi\u0144ski, K, (2012).&nbsp;\u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.dropbox.com\/s\/rd8kzkpv258weco\/Dr%20SLIWINSKI%20Krzysztof_The%20Relation%20of%20Religion%20and%20Politics%20in%20the%20European%20Union_final.pdf?dl=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\">The relationship of Politics and Religion in the European Union<\/a>\u201c. A paper presented during a conference: \u201cEurope, Migration and Islam\u201d, 18-19 April 2012 (Co-organized by Department of Government and International Studies).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div style=\"height:100px\" aria-hidden=\"true\" class=\"wp-block-spacer\"><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Research Philosophy My field of expertise includes: I continue to research in these areas, as evidenced by my recent publications. At the same time, I remain open to new challenges in the academic field and have delivered presentations on topics such as politics and religion in Europe, national identity, cybersecurity, security in the South and [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_cbd_carousel_blocks":"[]","footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-226","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/226","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=226"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/226\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/krzysztofsliwinski.com\/Chris\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=226"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}